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caliph with every title 58 that could sanctify his usurpation in (A.D. 1175] the eyes of the people. Nor was Saladin long content with the possession of Egypt; he despoiled the Christians of Jerusalem, and the Atabeks of Damascus, Aleppo, and Diarbekir; Mecca (A.D. 1174and Medina acknowledged him for their temporal protector; his brother subdued the distant regions of Yemen, or the Happy Arabia ; and at the hour of his death his empire was spread from the African Tripoli to the Tigris, and from the Indian ocean to the mountains of Armenia. In the judgment of his character, the reproaches of treason and ingratitude strike forcibly on our minds, impressed as they are with the principle and experience of law and loyalty. But his ambition may in some measure be excused by the revolutions of Asia,69 which had erased every notion of legitimate succession; by the recent example of the Atabeks themselves; by his reverence to the son of his benefactor; his humane and generous behaviour to the collateral branches; by their incapacity and his merits ; by the approbation of the caliph, the sole source of all legitimate power; and, above all, by the wishes and interest of the people, whose happiness is the first object of government. In his virtues, and in those of his patron, they admired the singular union of the hero and the saint ; for both Noureddin and Saladin are ranked among the Mahometan saints; and the constant meditation of the holy wars appears to have shed a serious and sober colour over their lives and actions. The youth of the latter 60 was addicted to wine and women; but his aspiring spirit soon renounced the temptations of pleasure for the graver follies of fame and dominion. The garment of Saladin was of coarse woollen; water was his only drink; and, while he emulated the temperance, he surpassed the chastity, of his Arabian

83)

58 In these Arabic titles, religionis (din) must always be understood ; Nou. reddin, lumen r. ; Ezzodin, decus; Amadoddin, columen; [Bahā,-lustre): our hero's proper name was Joseph, and he was styled Salahoddin, salus; Al Malichus Al Nasirus, rex defensor; Abu Medaffir (Abū-1- Muzaffar), pater victoriæ. Schultens, Præfat. (Saladin was not acknowledged by the Caliph till a.d. 1175. He did not despoil Jerusalem nor the Atabegs of Damascus, who did not exist apart from Aleppo.]

59 Abulfeda, who descended from a brother of Saladin, observes, from many examples, that the founders of dynasties took the guilt for themselves, and left the reward to their innocent collaterals (Excerpt. p. 10).

40 See his life and character in Renaudot, p. 537-548. [There is no evidence for youthful dissipation on the part of Saladin, beyond his recorded resolve to renounce pleasure when he became vezir of Egypt.]

prophet. Both in faith and practice he was a rigid Musulman; he ever deplored that the defence of religion had not allowed him to accomplish the pilgrimage of Mecca ; but at the stated hours, five times each day, the sultan devoutly prayed with his brethren; the involuntary omission of fasting was scrupulously repaid ; and his perusal of the Koran on horseback, between the approaching armies, may be quoted as a proof, however ostentatious, of piety and courage. The superstitious doctrine

? of the sect of Shafei was the only study that he deigned to encourage; the poets were safe in his contempt; but all profane science was the object of his aversion ; and a philosopher, who had vented some speculative novelties, was seized and strangled by the command of the royal saint. The justice of his divan was accessible to the meanest suppliant against himself and his ministers; and it was only for a kingdom that Saladin would deviate from the rule of equity. While the descendants of Seljuk and Zenghi held his stirrup, and smoothed his garments, he was affable and patient with the meanest of his servants. So boundless was his liberality, that he distributed twelve thousand horses at the siege of Acre; and, at the time of his death, no more than forty-seven drams of silver, and one piece of gold coin, were found in the treasury; yet in a martial reign, the tributes were diminished, and the wealthy citizens enjoyed, without fear or danger, the fruits of their industry. Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were adorned by the royal foundations of hospitals, colleges, and mosques; and Cairo was fortified with a wall and citadel; but his works were consecrated to public use ; 62 nor did the sultan indulge himself in a garden or palace of private luxury. In a fanatic age, himself a fanatic, the genuine virtues of Saladin commanded the esteem of the Christians; the emperor of Germany gloried in his friendship; the Greek emperor solicited his alliance ; 64 and the conquest of Jerusalem diffused, and perhaps magnified, his fame both in the East and West.

61 His civil and religious virtues are celebrated in the first obapter of Bohadin (p. 4-30), himself an eye-witness and an honest bigot.

62 in many works, particularly Joseph's well in the castle of Cairo, the sultan and the patriarch have been confounded by the ignorance of natives and travell

63 Anonym. Canisii, tom. iii. p. ii. p. 504, 6+ Bobadin, p. 129, 130.

64

dom, A.D.

3

>

During its short existence, the kingdom of Jerusalem 6 was His con supported by the discord of the Turks and Saracens; and both the kingthe Fatimite caliphs and the sultans of Damascus were tempted 1187

, July to sacrifice the cause of their religion to the meaner considerations of private and present advantage. But the powers of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia were now united by an hero, whom nature and fortune had armed against the Christians. All without now bore the most threatening aspect; and all was feeble and hollow in the internal state of Jerusalem.66 After tbe two (Baldwin I. first Baldwins, the brother and cousin of Godfrey of Bouillon, 18 : Bald. the sceptre devolved by female succession to Melisenda, daughter 1118-31) of the second Baldwin, and her husband Fulk, Count of Anjou, (Fulk, 1131the father, by a former marriage, of our English Plantagenets. Their two sons, Baldwin the Third, and Amaury, waged a strenu-(Baldwin ous and not unsuccessful war against the infidels ; but the son Amalric, of Amaury, Baldwin the Fourth, was deprived by the leprosy, a ĪBaldwin gift of the crusades, of the faculties both of mind and body. His Baldwin v sister, Sybilla, the mother of Baldwin the Fifth, was his natural heiress. After the suspicious death of her child, she crowned her second husband, Guy of Lusignan, a prince of a handsome (Guy, 1186person, but of such base renown that his brother Jeffrey was heard to exclaim,“ Since they have made him a king, surely

win II. A.D.

43)

III. 1143-62;

1163-73)

;

1185-6)

92)

68 For the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, see William of Tyre, from the ixth to the xxiid book. Jacob. a Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosolym. 1. i. and Sanutus, Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. iii. p. vi.-ix.

*** (Some instructive observations have been made on the degeneracy of the race of the western settlers in Palestine, as a cause of the decline of the kingdom, by Stobbs (Itin. Regis. Ricardi, Introd. p. xcv. 899.). "There were eleven kings of Jerusalem in the twelfth century ; under the first four, who were all of European birth, the state was acquired and strengthened ; under the second four, who were born in Palestine, the effects of the climate and the infection of Oriental habits were sadly apparent; of these four three were minors at the time of their accession, and one was a leper. The noble families which were not recruited, as the royal family was, with fresh members from Europe, fell more early into weakness and corruption. ... The moral degradation of the Franks need not have entailed destruction from enemies not less degraded ; and their inferiority in numbers would have been more than compensated by the successions of pilgrims. . . . But the shortness and precariousness of life was an evil without remedy and in its effects irreparable. Of these the most noticeable was perhaps one which would have arisen under any system, the difficulty of carrying on a fixed policy whilst the administrators were perpetually changing ; but scarcely second to this was the influence in successions which was thrown into the hands of women. The European women were less exposed than the men to the injurious climate or to the fatigues of military service ; and many of them having been born in Palestine were in a measure acclimatized. The feudal rights and burdens of heiress-ship, marriage, and dower, were strictly observed ; consequently most of the heiresses lived to have two or three husbands and two or three families."']

of Karak)

they would have made me a god!” The choice was generally blamed; and the most powerful vassal, Raymond, count of Tripoli, who had been excluded from the succession and regency, entertained an implacable hatred against the king, and exposed his honour and conscience to the temptations of the sultan. Such were the guardians of the holy city: a leper, a child, a woman, a coward, and a traitor; yet its fate was delayed twelve years by some supplies from Europe, by the valour of the mili

tary orders, and by the distant or domestic avocations of their (Violation great enemy. At length, on every side the sinking state was Truce by encircled and pressed by an hostile line ; and the truce was the Egyp violated by the Franks, whose existence it protected. A soldier van. A.D. of fortune, Reginald of Chatillon, had seized a fortress on the (Fortress edge of the desert, from whence he pillaged the caravans, in

sulted Mahomet, and threatened the cities of Mecca and Medina. Saladin condescended to complain; rejoiced in the denial of justice; and, at the head of fourscore thousand horse and foot, invaded the Holy Land. The choice of Tiberias for his first siege was suggested by the count of Tripoli, to whom it belonged ; and the king of Jerusalem was persuaded to drain his

garrisons, and to arm his people, for the relief of that important [Battle of place.87 By the advice of the perfidious Raymond, the Chris

tians were betrayed into a camp destitute of water; he fled on the first onset, with the curses of both nations ; 68 Lusignan was overthrown, with the loss of thirty thousand men; and the wood of the true cross, a dire misfortune! was left in the power of the infidels. The royal captive was conducted to the tent of Saladin; and, as he fainted with thirst and terror, the generous victor presented him with a cup of sherbet cooled in snow, without suffering his companion, Reginald of Chatillon, to partake of this pledge of hospitality and pardon. “The

Hittin or
Tiberias.
A.D. 1187,
July 4]

67 Templarii ut apes bombabant et Hospitalarii ut venti stridebant, et barones se exitio offerebant, et Turcopuli (the Christian light troops) semet ipsi in ignem injiciebant (Ispahani de Expugnatione Kudsiticâ, p. 18, apud Schultens) : A specimen of Arabian eloquence, somewhat different from the style of Xenophon! [80,000 as the number of Saladin's army must be an exaggeration. He had 12,000 regular levies. Perhaps his force amounted to 25 or 30 thousand. Oman (Art of War, ii. p. 322) puts it at 60 or 70 thousand. For a plan of the locality see ih. p. 326.]

68 The Latins affirm, the Arabians insinuate, the treason of Raymond; but, had he really embraced their religion, he would have been a saint and & hero in the eyes of the latter, [The treachery of Raymond is not proved and is probably untrue. Cp. Ernoul, ed. Mas-Latrie, p. 169.]

69

Jerusalem.
A): 1187.
October 2

person and dignity of a king,” said the sultan, “are sacred;

; but this impious robber must instantly acknowledge the prophet, whom he has blasphemed, or meet the death which he has so often deserved." On the proud or conscientious refusal of the Christian warrior, Saladin struck him on the head with his scymetar, and Reginald was dispatched by the guards.6

The trembling Lusignan was sent to Damascus to an honourable prison, and speedy ransom ; but the victory was stained by the execution of two hundred and thirty knights of the hospital, (and the

Tomple) the intrepid champions and martyrs of their faith. The kingdom was left without a head; and of the two grand masters of the military orders, the one was slain, and the other was made a prisoner. From all the cities, both of the sea-coast and the inland country, the garrisons had been drawn away for this fatal field. Tyre and Tripoli alone could escape the rapid inroad of Saladin; and three months after the battle of Tiberias he appeared in arms before the gates of Jerusalem.70

He might expect that the siege of a city so venerable on and city of earth and in heaven, so interesting to Europe and Asia, would rekindle the last sparks of enthusiasm; and that, of sixty 131 thousand Christians, every man would be a soldier, and every soldier a candidate for martyrdom. But queen Sybilla trembled for herself and her captive husband; and the barons and knights, who had escaped from the sword and the chains of the Turks, displayed the same factious and selfish spirit in the public ruin. The most numerous portion of the inhabitants were composed of the Greek and Oriental Christians, whom experience had taught to prefer the Mahometan before the Latin yoke ; and the holy sepulchre attracted a base and needy crowd, without arms or courage, who subsisted only on the

** Reaud, Reginald, or Arnold de Châtillon, is celebrated by the Latins in his life and death; but the circumstances of the latter are more distinctly related by Bohadin and Abulfeda ; and Joinville (Hist. de St. Louis, p. 70) alludes to the practice of Saladin, of never putting to death a prisoner who had tasted his bread and salt. Some of the companions of Arnold had been slaughtered, and almost sacrificed, in a valley of Mecca, ubi sacrificia mactantur (Abulfeda, p. 32). (Reginald had been prince of Antioch in 1154 (by marriage with Constance, the heiress). He had been a prisoner at Aleppo for sixteen years, and, after his release, married another heiress, Stephanie of Hebron. He took part in the battle of Ramlah in which Saladin was vanquished in 1177.]

70 Vertot, who well describes the loss of the kingdom and city (Hist. des Chevaliers de Malthe, tom. i. 1. ii. p. 226-278), inserts two original epistles of a knight-templar.

71 Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 545.

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