I do assure you likewise, that my conduct shall be such, as not to merit the reflection of your nation, nor expose mine to any contest on account thereof; being answerable by my duty, and by my honour, to act with such propriety as will justify me in my publick capacity.

With regard to the person that gave the information, that in my familiar conversation I communicated to you, must be despised, and others discountenanced both by you, and by me, as our situations are sacred, and only subject to the alterations unanimously agreed upon by our nations. I have the honour to be, &c.

MANUEL GAYOSO DE LEMOS.

No. XVIII.

Colonel King's Iron Works, April 21, 1797.

DEAR CAREY,-I wished to have seen you before I returned to Philadelphia, but I am obliged to return to the session of Congress which commences on the 15th May.

Among other things that I wished to have seen you about, was the business captain Chisholm mentioned to the British minister last winter at Philadelphia.

I believe but am not quite sure that the plan then talked of will be attempted this fall, and if it is attempted it will be in a much larger way than then talked of; and if the Indians act their part I have no doubt but it will succeed. A man of consequence has gone to England about the business, and if he makes arrangements as he expects, I shall myself have a hand in the business, and probably shall be at the head of the business on the part of the British. You are however to understand that it is yet not quite certain that the plan will be attempted; yet you will do well to keep things in a proper train for action in case it should be attempted, and to do so will require all your management; I say say will require all your management, because you must take care in whatever you say to Rogers, or any body else, not to let the plan be discovered by Hawkins, Dinsmoor, Byers or any other person in the interest of the United States or Spain.

If I attempt this plan, I shall expect to have you and all my Indian country and Indian friends with me, but you are now in good business I hope, and you are not to risk

the loss of it by saying any thing that will hurt you until you again hear from me. Where captain Chisholm is I do not know, I left him in Philadelphia in March, and he frequently visited the minister, and spoke upon the subject, but I believe he will go into the Creek nation by way of South Carolina or Georgia. He gave out he was going to England, but I did not believe him-Among things that you may safely do will be to keep up my consequence with Watts and the Creeks and Cherokees generally, and you must by no means say any thing in favour of Hawkins; but as often as you can with safety to yourself, you may teach the Creeks to believe he is no better than he should be-Any power or consequence he gets will be against our plan. Perhaps Rogers, who has no office to lose, is the best man to give out talks against Hawkins.-Read the letter to Rogers, and if you think it best to send it to him, put a wafer in it, and forward it to him by a safe hand, or perhaps you had best send for him to come to you, and speak to him yourself respecting the state and prospect of things.

I have advised you in whatever you do to take care of yourself; I have now to tell you to take care of me too, for a discovery of the plan would prevent the success, and much injure all the parties concerned. It may be that the commissioners may not run the line, as the Indians expect or wish, and in that case it is probable the Indians may be taught to blame me for making the treaty.

To such complaints against me, if such there are, it may be said by my friends at proper times and places that Doublehead confirmed the treaty with the President at Philadelphia, and received as much as five thousand dollars a year to be paid to the nation over and above the first price; indeed it may with truth be said, that though made the treaty, that I made it by the instructions of the President; and in fact it may with truth be said, that I was by the President instructed to purchase much more land than the Indians would agree to sell. This sort of talk will be throwing all the blame off me upon the late President, and as he is now out of office, it will be of no consequence how much the Indians blame him. And among other things that may be said for me is, that I was not at the running of the line, and that if I had been, it would have been run more to their satisfaction. In short,

you understand the subject, and must take care to give out the proper talks to keep up my consequence with the Creeks and Cherokees-Can't Rogers contrive to get the Creeks to desire the President to take Hawkins out of the nation, for if he stays in the Creek nation, and gets the good will of the nation, he can and will do great injury to our plan-when you have read this letter over three times, then burn it. I shall be at Knoxville in July or August, when I will send for Watts and give him the whiskey I promised him.-I am, &c.

WILLIAM BLOUNT.

War Office, June 30, 1797.

HAVE compared the foregoing documents, numbered from 1 to 18 inclusive, and do certify the same to be true extracts and copies from the records and files of this office.

JOHN STAGG, JUN. Chief Clerk.

SPEECH

OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO BOTH

HOUSES OF CONGRESS.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

of the House of Representatives,

NOV. 23, 1797.

I was for some time apprehensive, that it would be necessary, on account of the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to convene the national legislature at some other place. This measure it was desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much publick inconvenience, and a considerable publick expense, and add to the calamities of the inhabitants of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their fellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes, now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the members, Con

gress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to meet. I submit, however, to your consideration, whether a power to postpone the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the constitution, upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.

Although I cannot yet congratulate you on the re-establishment of peace in Europe, and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have nevertheless abundant cause of gratitude to the Source of Benevolence and Influence, for interior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons, prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements: And above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty, and a calm, but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our moral and religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republick, embarked one in July, the other early in August, to join their colleague in Holland.-I have received intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they all proceeded on their journeys to Paris, within a few days of the nineteeth of September.-Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing will have been omitted on my part, to conduct the negotiation to a successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with the safety, honour and interests of the United States. -Nothing, in the mean time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace, and the attainment of justice, as a manifestation of that energy and unanimity, of which, on many former occasions, the people of the United States. have given such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national defence, which a beneficent providence has kindly placed within their power.

It may be confidently asserted, that nothing has occurred since the adjournment of Congress, which renders inexpedient those precautionary measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two houses, at the opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain, that perfect tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state of society has so long been disturbed; the sense of moral and religious obligations so much weakened; publick faith and national honour have been so impaired; respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and violence, have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground on which to raise an expectation, that a commerce, without protection or defence, will not be plundered.

The commerce of the United States, is essential, if not to their existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity and happiness. The genius, character and habits of the people, are highly commercial. Their cities have been formed, and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture, fisheries, arts and manufactures, are connected with, and depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is; and it cannot be destroyed or neg lected, without involving the people in poverty and distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation. The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of commercial and seafaring, no less than of the other citizens. Under this view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty, if I forebore to recommend, that we should make every exertion to protect our commerce, and to place our country in a suitable posture of defence, as the only sure means of preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation, that it would have been in my power, at the opening of this session, to have communicated to you the agreeable information of the due! execution of our treaty with his catholick majesty, respect ing the withdrawing of his troops from our territory, and the demarcation of the line of limits; but by the latest au-. thentick intelligence, Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running of the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the more to be regretted, as they cannot fail to affect the Indians in a manner injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope, that the answers which have been given, will remove the objections offered by the Spar