thereby shown to the Pope. Rumors went abroad that the German ruler wished to revive the Holy Roman Empire, and to become himself its head; and that the Pope was to resume under his auspices, that relation to Europe which once was his. These rumors were of course absurd. And we now see that all the German Emperor was seeking to attain was what every politician seeks-support for his own schemes. For the Emperor has shown an equal or even greater regard to the Protestant Church by presiding at the opening of the new cathedral in Berlin. This cathedral owes its origin to the desire of the late Emperor Frederick, when Crown Prince, to erect a building worthy of Protestant Germany. Public money was voted for it by the Prussian Diet; no less a sum than two million five hundred thousand dollars. The central cupola, with the cross by which it is surmounted, reaches a height of 374 feet, nearly 79 feet less than the height of the dome of St. Peter's, and over nine feet more than the dome of St. Paul's, London. The total length of the building is 374 feet, its breadth 80 feet. Outside of the building are statues of our Lord and of the Twelve Apostles. The statues of Luther, Zwingli, Calvin, and Melancthon, together with those of the four German Sovereigns who promoted the Reformation, have been placed in the interior of this Protestant sanctuary. Present at the consecration were many princes and potentates, together with a contingent of Protestant ministers from the United States. The Church of England was officially represented by the Bishop of Ripon, sent presumably by its head-the King. The papers say nothing about the Archbishop of Canterbury, whether he was consulted or not. It would be interesting to have his opinion, and to learn what his Grace thinks of this official recognition of the purest Protestantism. It would be still more interesting to learn what Lord Halifax and the English Church Union think.

The Reichstag has been discussing the proposed increase of the army; for the feeling in favor of arbitration is not strong enough to lead to any change in warlike preparations, especially in Germany, where there is little zeal for arbitration. The Catholic members, who constitute the Centre, distinguish themselves by their moderation. They aim at exercising a control over the extremists of every party, and their numbers are sufficient to give them the decisive voice in many

questions. Outside the Reichstag a strong agitation is being carried on for a large increase in the Navy, and the not very wise remarks of a member of the English Government have been used by certain newspapers as indicating the determination, on the part of Great Britain, to make an attack on Germany. It is doubtless true that of all continental countries Germany is the one which is looked upon by the British with the least friendly eyes, not even Russia, we think, being excepted. But it is not Great Britain's way to make war unless forced to do so. The existing unfriendliness serves, however, the purpose of those who wish largely to increase the number of warships. The Navy League goes so far as to demand the execution of the present navy scheme by the year 1912, instead of 1917, and to set up a further programme of a third double squadron with its complement of reserves and torpedo boats.

Austro-Hungary.

Of Austria there is little to chronicle. This is a sign that the contention of the various nationalities

is for the time being suspended. A spokesman of the PanGermans-the object of whom is the union of all the Germans now included in the Austrian Empire with their fellow countrymen in the German Empire-made a proclamation in the Reichsrath of the principles of the party. The German provinces of Austria are to adhere to Germany, the Austrian Emperor is to be at their head and to become a Federal Prince. Hungary is to become independent, as also the southern Slavs; for the northern Slavs special laws are to guarantee them from being Germanized. This is the scheme of adhesion to a Protestant German Empire which is to thwart the present efforts of the Austrian Imperial House to establish a purely Catholic Austrian Empire.

In Hungary the situation is very critical. In consequence of his defeat, Count Tisza resigned, but has had to carry on the government because no successor could be found. The opposition is stronger as a whole, but is divided into several subdivisions. Yet it has agreed upon a programme which is constitutional, not anti-dynastic, and which contains nothing incompatible with the existing laws. It includes neither the abrogation of the laws of 1867, nor the establishment of a VOL. LXXXI.-8

merely personal union between Austria and Hungary. Those two demands form part of the programme of the most numerous of the parties which form the Coalition majority, but it realizes that until it obtains an absolute majority these demands must be held in abeyance. The Crown, however, rejects this programme, thereby showing how far the Hungarians are from having self-government. As to what the outcome of the present state of things is to be, the answer of M. Kossuth is: "Chaos."

Norway and Sweden.

The conflicts of nationalities under one common sovereign are not confined to Southeastern Europe, the

extreme Northwest has for many years witnessed a similar conflict. Norway and Sweden are united under one King. They have, however, but little in common except a Council of State for the administration of common affairs, and a single consular and diplomatic service. Each has its own parliament and ministry, its own laws and customs; each manages its own internal affairs. For Norway, however, the existing system appears to involve a want of recognition of her national dignity, and for some fifteen years an agitation has been going on for a consular service distinct from that of Sweden. Sweden is willing to concede a separate consular service to Norway, provided it can be established in such a form as not to interfere with a single united diplomatic representation; so that the two nations may be and appear to be one in dealing with foreign nations. Norway, on the other hand, demands that the arrangement shall be such as to maintain her rights as a sovereign state, and if the existent compact between the two does not admit of such a recognition then a new compact must be made instead of the existing one. Negotiations have been going on for some time, but to so little purpose that to the last answer of Sweden, Norway has replied that she has nothing more to say, and a deadlock has ensued. A manifesto has been issued by the Norwegian Arctic explorer, Dr. Nansen, who for the first time in his life intervenes in political matters. He declares that the demands of the Swedish prime minister are such as no self-respecting or self-governing country can even consider, involving as they do undisguised contempt for the sovereignty of Norway as guaranteed by the King. On the other hand

the Crown Prince, who is now Regent of the two kingdoms, in order to avoid what may prove a disruption of the two kingdoms, has issued a communiqué addressed to the Special Committee of the Storthing appointed to deal with this matter, in which he declares that the influence of the Crown has never been opposed to Norway's having a separate Consular service. He urges upon the Committee, in this critical season, to keep the welfare of Norway and that only before their eyes. The Norwegian ministry had resigned before the publication of this document, in order, we presume, to facilitate a settlement of the question.

Italy.

The Prime Minister of the Italian Government, Signor Gioletti, has resigned, serious ill-health being given as the reason. He had been in office for nearly eighteen months. A new ministry has been constituted, with Signor Fortis at its head, and a majority of the ministers who served with Signor Gioletti remain in office. No change of policy is, therefore, to be looked for, nor do there seem to be at present in Italy any questions of supreme importance or interest which enter into practical politics; several, however, are looming upon the horizon. The State acquisition of the railway is the chief point of interest. Arrangements to effect this transfer were made by the late ministry, and will presumably be carried out by the present. For a poor country like Italy to go to the expense of buying up the railways of the whole country seems a very rash experiment; the people are crushed to the ground by the present taxes. And for the State to become the employer of so large a number of persons seems still more rash, at a time when the Socialists have become so powerful.

Italian astuteness is not confined to the governing ranks. The railway servants having their grievances, and looking upon a strike as too brutal a way of settling them, attempted to obtain redress by a method which has of late been adopted in various parliaments-obstruction. Their tactics consisted in performing all operations connected with the service with the utmost slowness and deliberation, a slowness and deliberation which they justified by an appeal to the rules and regulations under which they were employed. In this way they threw the railway service of the country into more or less hopeless con

fusion. They also succeeded in alienating the sympathy of the public, and thus strengthened the railway authorities, who by fines and dismissals have restored order.

France.

In France the Bill introduced by the Ministry for the abolition of the Concordat has been referred

to a Commission for consideration. They have made their Report. In some respects the Bill is less unjust, in others its provisions are intolerably harsh. In the Bill introduced by M. Combes, the Associations to be formed for religious purposes, and which are to take the place of the State in supporting religious worship, were limited to the respective departments, thereby rendering it more difficult for poor places to carry on public worship. The new government allowed ten departments to be united together; the Commission has removed all limitations, and so far has given greater strength to the Church. On the other hand, the residences of the bishops and clergy, as also all Seminaries, are left for two years at the gratuitous disposal of their present occupants; after two years the Bill, as revised by the Commission, gives power to the local authorities to do as it pleases with those buildings; does not even require them to lease them at a rental to their present possessors; gives them power to rent them to private persons, or even to sell them; and after twelve years, the Churches themselves may be treated in the same way. The Bill will now go to the Chamber for final revision and decision. The present Ministry of M. Rouvier has not the same enthusiasm for evil as that of M. Combes. While there is little hope of its doing much good, there is some ground to anticipate that before the elections next year it will not do so much evil as its predecessor would have done. It is, however, maintaining that rivalry with Germany in the preparation for war, the cost of which is bleeding to death most of the continental countries. Many Germans, as we have seen, are agitating for a large increase of their Navy. This has alarmed not merely the French nation but its legislature, and with practical unanimity the Chamber has voted money for such a proportionate increase of the French Navy as shall keep the French naval power in the same relative position towards that of Germany. as it occupies to-day.