Arrived once more at his home, he seems to have been refolved to defer the execution of his desperate defign no longer. He diffembled, however; talked very connectedly; inquired whether the paper was nearly compofed or not, and even fat down and took his pen, under pretence of writing an article of news. By these means he prevailed on his people to leave him alone; two of them, however, thought it prudent to remain at the head of the ftairs, in order to be at hand, fhould he make any attempt on his life. Their fufpicions were but too well founded;

1.at the end of half an hour's dead filence, they heard him utter a moft dreadful groan, and, prefently after, fall on the floor. They attempted to force the door, but it was too fecurely faftened. They then applied to the wainscot, and, at last, made an opening, when, fhocking to relate! they found their dear mafter weltering in his blood, his throat being cut nearly acrofs. A furgeon was inftantly called, and every affiftance given; but, I am forry to add, that, when this morning's poft came away, there was little hope of recovery.

The interval between his entering his apartment and perpetration of the horrid deed, was, it seems, employed in writing a farewell letter to his fifter and only relation, the Aurora of Philadelphia. I am promifed a copy of this letter, which, if obtained, fhall find a place in the next Cenfor.

It is faid, with what truth I do not pretend to ascertain, that the inftrument with which the fatal gafh was given, was one of the long couteaux, employed in the prisons of Paris, and was a keepfake from a very intimate friend now in France.

THE END OF CENSOR, NO. IIa

POLITICAL CENSOR.

No. III.

Debates in the House of Reprefentatives.
(Continued from Page 296.)

MR. S. SMITH obferved, that, "were there but one man, and he a negro, fuffering under the galling yoke of imprisonment, it was the duty of the "Government to provide relief for that man." Now, Mr. Smith, have you not feveral negroes? How eafy, then, is it for you to do an act of philanthropy, without application to the Government, and without plunging the country into a dangerous difpute with another nation? You will fay, without doubt, that your negroes are not suffering under the galling "yoke of impreffment;" but, where is the difference whether they are under the yoke of the British, or under your yoke? Slavery is ftill flavery, nor is the yoke the weight of a hair lighter, for lafting durante vita, or becaufe it is imposed by a man who pretends to be the advocate of liberty.

Nothing that I have faid, or fhall fay on this fubject, is intended to juftify the British in their impreffment of Americans: I look upon their conduct in this refpect as tyrannical; as the effect of that overbearing infolence which is the characteristic of but too many among their fubaltern officers; and I think that redress ought to be obtained with all convenient fpeed. But I here confine myself to Americans alone, by which word I mean, thofe who were born in the United States, or were inhabitants of them at the

peace of 1783, not including deferters from the Britifh during the war. These are Americans, and no others are; and I venture to predict, that whatever schemes the Congrefs may fall on, whatever registers, certificates, or oaths of civifm they may think proper to furnish failors with, Great Britain will ever feize hers where he finds them.

Mr. LIVINGSTON faid, that "it would be no "difficult matter to prove, that foreigners natural"ized fince the declaration of independence, were "entitled to the protection of the Government."— He attempted to prove this, but I fhall not contradict him, for the thing is in itself fo evidently abfurd, as to need no remark. As to what he pleases to call the naturalization of foreigners (whole cargoes at a time, or otherwife), the rights of citizenship they enjoy under their new mafters, &c. fhall be reserved for a future opportunity. It will be fufficient to add, on this article, that a bill was at laft agreed to for appointing agents for the relief and protection of impreffed feamen. But if these agents are to be employed (as the inftruments of a predominant faction) to embroil this country in a war, it were far better they had never been appointed.

Papers relative to the Treaty with Great Britain.

March 2.

Mr. LIVINGSTON (from N. York) faid, that it was generally understood that fome important conftitutional queftion would be difcuffed, when the treaty lately concluded between this country and Great Britain should come under confideration : it was very defirable, therefore, that every document which might tend to throw light on the fubject fhould be before the House. For this purpose he would move the following refolution:

"Refolved, That the Prefident of the United "States be requested to lay before this House, a copy

"of

of the inftructions given to the Minifter of the "United States who negotiated the treaty with Great "Britain, communicated by his meffage on the 1st "inft. together with the correfpondence and docu"ments relative to the faid treaty."-Ordered to lie on the table.

To this refolution the following exception was afterwards added:-" Excepting fuch of the said papers as any exifting negotiation may render improper to be disclosed.”

Mr. TRACY (Connecticut) requested the Gentleman who brought forward this refolution to give his reafons for doing fo. He had at present only told the House that, as the conftitutionality of the treaty might be difcuffed, he thought it neceffary to propofe the measure. It was well known by every man in that House, that much difference of opinion, and much fenfibility, had been occafioned by the treaty in queftion all over the Union. He thought that the only way to treat the matter fairly, would be, for every Member on that floor to come forward and exprefs himself openly. Perhaps the happiness of the country might depend upon the iffue of their deliberations upon it. In order to avoid all bitterness and misunderstanding, it would be beft for members to come forward at first and state their opinions fully. He therefore afked, why this motion was made? If made barely to enable the House to examine into the conftitutionality of the treaty, he thought that might be determined by comparing it with the Conflitution itself. It may be thought neceffary that thefe papers be produced in order to impeach any of the perfons employed in the negotiation, or, the Prefident. He wished to know for what purpose these papers are called. He thought to declare the whole intention of the motion would be a mean of harmonizing the House upon the fubject. However, until he knew the real intention, he would hope it was