carrying on the work of criticism and explanation of errors; preaching, in the meantime, the necessity of a transference of the old government power to the Soviets in order that the masses should rid themselves of their errors by experience. Not a parliament republica return to it from Soviets of Workmen's Delegates would be a step backwards — but a republic of the Soviets of Workmen's and Peasants' Delegates, throughout the whole country." (Page 54, " Proletarian Revolution in Russia," by N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky, edited by Louis C. Fraina.)

At this time he also advocated the necessity of changing the name of the party to the Communist Party, which was later effected.

The constant struggle which had been going on between these conflicting agencies of government culminated on November 7, 1917, when the provisional government was overthrown, Kerensky driven into exile, and the city of Petrograd was captured by the Red Guard, almost without a struggle, because of lack of leadership and policy on the part of the large anti-Bolshevik majority. The overthrow was also due to the fact that a new All-Russian Congress of Soviets had been packed so as to have a Bolshevik majority, and that a successful propaganda had been carried on among the soldiers.

The official announcement of the Bolshevist revolution reads as follows:

"FROM MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE OF PETROGRAD, SOVIET OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES

"To the citizens of the Russian Republic:

"The provisional government has been overthrown. The sovereign authority has passed to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of the Petrograd Proletariat and the Garrisons. The cause for which the people have been fighting, immediate proposals of a democratic peace, repeal of freehold land properties, and workers' control over production, the establishment of the Soviet government-is guaranteed.

"Long live the revolution of the workers, soldiers and peasants!

"(Signed)

MILITARY REVOLUTION COMMITTEE OF PETROGRAD'S SOVIET OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES."

At the same time the Duma of Petrograd, which was about to meet, was forcibly dissolved by the Bolsheviki on the ground that the majority of its members were opposed to Bolshevism.

The mere capture of governmental power by the Soviets of Petrograd and other districts was but the initial step in the consolidation of the proletarian dictatorship.

This dictatorship was later described by Lenin as that of a very small minority.

"Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Czarism dominated the 130,000,000 of Russian peasants, so 200,000 members of the Bolshevik Party are imposing their proletarian will on the mass, but this time in the interest of the latter." (Text of Lenin in the "New International," April, 1918.)

In commenting upon this situation Lenin says in a pamphlet entitled "The Soviets at Work" (published by the Rand School of Social Science, Page 10):

"We have defeated the bourgeoisie, but it is not yet destroyed and not even completely conquered. We must therefore resort to a new and higher form of the struggle with the bourgeoisie; we must turn from the very simple problem of continuing the expropriation of the capitalists to the more complex and difficult problem - the problem of creating conditions under which the bourgeoisie could neither exist nor come anew into existence. It is clear that this problem is infinitely more complicated and that we can have no Socialism until it is solved."

The precise meaning of this transition from capitalism to Socialism is described by Lenin in the same pamphlet, at page 30, as follows:

"In the first place, it is impossible to conquer and destroy capitalism without the merciless suppression of the existence of the exploiters, who cannot be at once deprived of their wealth, of their advantages in organization and knowledge, and who will, therefore, during quite a long period inevitably attempt to overthrow the hateful (to them) authority of the poor. Secondly, every great revolution, and especially a Socialist revolution, even if there were no external war, is inconceivable without an internal war, with thousands and millions of cases of wavering and of desertion from one side to the other, and with a state of the greatest uncertainty, instability and chaos."

Despite the pleasing pictures which have been drawn of Russian conditions subsequent to the November revolution by sympathizers of the Soviet regime returning to this country from Russia, it is evident from an examination of documents published in the various official journals of the Soviet regime that the description of the conditions necessarily attending upon the Socialist revolution given by Lenin which we have just quoted was fully realized throughout the territory over which the Soviets exerted their power.

While the Russian Communist Party under the leadership of Lenin and Trotzky had succeeded in gaining control of the machinery of the Soviets, it was quite evident that it had not succeeded in gaining the support of the majority of the population. This was shown at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, elected three weeks after the Bolshevik Revolution, the election of which had been authorized by the Kerensky government.

This Assembly met in Petrograd in January to take charge of the government. But it was at once dissolved by force by Lenin and Trotzky because it was found to have a large anti-Bolshevik majority.

For the purposes of this report the description of conditions bearing on this subject may best be taken from admissions of Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, Soviet representative in the United States, at the public hearing of this Committee on December 11, 1919, when he was asked the following questions:

"Q. After the November revolution of 1917, when the Russian Communist Party assumed control of the government, did they not allow the greatest freedom of speech, of the press and of assembly in Russia? A. Yes, they did. "Q. And subsequent to that time were there elections held for a Constituent Assembly? A. Yes.

"Q. And were those elections held throughout the entire territory under the control of the Soviets? A. Yes.

"Q. About how long a period was occupied in the campaigns for these elections? A. I think a couple of months.

"Q. And were delegates chosen during those campaigns for members of the Constituent Assembly? A. Yes, they

were.

"Q. And what were the various parties that ran candidates for that Assembly? A. The three main parties: One, the