of Alsace-Lorraine). This was signed by thirty-one deputies and by eight members of the C. P. A. "At the National Congress in December, 1916, the vote stood 1,537 to 1,407. The forces of the minority were steadily increasing. In reality the minority was already the majority, but the party leaders voted as majority votes the votes of the federations of the invaded provinces, which could not be consulted. At the meeting of the National Council on March 3d, the vote was 1,556 to 1,337. "Then the Russian Revolution broke out in mid-March, giving the internationalist elements an irresistible impulse. A telegram from Camille Huysmans announcing the convocation of the International Conference at Stockholm May 15th was answered on April 27th by the majority of the C. A. P. by a refusal to participate. The National Conference of the Minoritaires met at Paris May 6th to protest, and three weeks later, May 29th, the National Council voted unanimously to join the Conference at Stockholm. The internationalists had won their victory. "Following this victory the Right Wing Majoritaires shifted position and disavowed the decision. The government refused passports, and the old struggle was resumed. At the National Council in October, 1917, the two factions preserved their respective force, the Zimmerwaldians obtaining 118 votes for a separate motion. Another National Council in February showed no change. "Le Populaire" became a daily evening paper in April, 1918, under the direction of Jean Longuet; and the July, 1918, National Council at last gave a clear majority to the internationalists, as follows: Longuet resolution (Moderate Left). Renaudel resolution (Conservative Right) 1,544 1,172 152 "Two months later, the National Congress confirmed this result. Marcel Cachin supplanted Renaudel as editor of the official party daily "L'Humanité." The internationalists gained the majority of the C. A. P. and took the leadership of the paty. "The party and its journals made rapid progress under the new leadership as the following figures show: "L'Humanite," which had fallen to less than 50,000 copies per day, reached 300,000 during the June, 1919, strikes, and maintains an average of 200,000. "Le Populaire" reached 100,000 during the strikes, and maintains a circulation of 60,000. "Le Journal du Peuple," which unites Socialist and Syndicalist elements of the extreme left, prints 50,000 copies daily." (Boris Souvarine.) Addendum "At the Congress held in April, 1919, the Socialist Party voted to remain in the Second International with the proviso (6 that those Socialists who are Socialists only in name" be expelled from it. The motion of Loriot to join the Third (Moscow) International immediately was defeated with 894 votes against 270. The Congress also adopted an electoral program of immediate demands which included among others the demands for the convocation of a constituent assembly, the granting of universal suffrage, the initiative and proportional representation, a single legislative chamber, decentralization of administration, representation of workers in the management of industrial affairs, nationalization of essential industries and advanced labor legislation. It also went on record against the ratification of the Versailles Peace and the proposed League of Nations by a vote of 1,420 to 114. "Paul Faure, editor of "Le Populaire," drew up a declaration which outlined the party policy on several important matters. This declaration, which was adopted by the Congress in the form of a resolution, declared against the punitive peace against Germany and greeted the German republic, declaring "that it (the party) is entirely with the true German Socialists who courageously endeavor to give the real labor and Socialist complexion to their revolution," and continues, "it bows before their heroes and will not cease to honor the memory of Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg and Kurt Eisner, who have crowned with the martyr's laurels three lives wholly devoted to the struggle against empire and to the liberation of the universal proletariat." After extending fraternal greeting to the Russian Soviet government, the resolution explained the party's position on the policy of the Russian Soviets. "The Socialist Party," it explains, "recalls in the same way that its thinkers from Karl Marx to Jaurès have always recognized the necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat on the morrow of the triumphant revolution. This latter had naturally the need of force not only to establish itself and accomplish its work, but to shatter the inevitable attempts of the counter-revolution." The declaration later declares for unmitigated opposition to bourgeois control, the systematic and symbolical refusal of the military and civil credits and the whole of the budget and the absolute autonomy of the Socialist Party as the political party of the working class, excluding naturally all possibility of alliance or electoral coalition in the case of a first or only ballot. It concluded with the following significant words: "It is with the pre-occupation of re-establishing the real unity of doctrine and action of the proletariat that the party declares to those who do not recognize these ideals, and particularly to the members of Parliament who may continue to vote for the credits of bourgeois governments, that they will thus be putting themselves outside their party." "Two Communist groups were formed as a result of this Congress. Both are so far committees to organize" Parties in agreement with the Third International," and are led in the main by Syndicalists. Loriot and his adherents of the extreme left propose to remain in the Socialist Party, believing that they will soon control the policies of the party. At a recent meeting of the National Council, it was decided that only such candidates should be placed on the party ticket in the forthcoming general parliamentary elections as are opposed to the ratification of the Versailles Treaty and are in favor of the recognition of the Russian Soviet government. "The parliamentary elections of November, 1919, resulted in a victory, but a disappointment for the French Socialists. While their total vote mounted to 1,750,000, a gain of about 40 per cent. over that in 1914, their representation in Parliament, because of a complicated system of disproportionate representation and gerry mandering, was lowered from 105 to 55. If their representation in the Chamber had been proportionate to their total vote, they would have elected 160 deputies. The Haute Vienne, where the internationalist revival began, was the only department in which the Socialists elected their entire ticket, bettering even their record of 1914. In addition, a number of anti-war and Extreme Left Socialists were elected from other departments. "In the municipal elections held two weeks later the Socialists made greater gains still, electing mayors in the great industrial cities Lille, Roubaix and Tourcoing in the devastated district, in Strassburg, and in several jumped in two weeks from 28 to 35 per cent. of the total. 66 "The French Syndicalists in the main favored the war, recognized it as a war of national defense and entered a civil truce with the government. The Syndicalist daily, "La Bataille Syndicaliste," was frequently so chauvinist that it was severely criticized by the Socialist organs. "The Internationalist and anti-war minority in the Labor Confederation as in the Socialist Party was growing in influence under the leadership of Merrheim of the metal-workers. At the first Congress of the Confederation in July, 1918, the internationalist faction was so strong that the majority leaders were obliged to accept a compromise resolution embodying the demands which the minority made on the leadership of the Confederation throughout the war, especially dealing with the question of the participation of the Confederation in the International. The next Congress, held in September, 1919, showed the same tendency to return to the traditional revolutionary policy of French Syndicalism. The Confederation numbered 600,000 members before the war. It claims now 1,500,000 members. "The Confederation has on many occasions joined the Socialist Party in important proclamations and manifestoes, demanding the restoration of civil liberties, hailing the German Revolution, opposing intervention in Russia, etc. The Confederation also decided to participate on July 21st in the twenty-four-hour demonstration general strike against the invasion of Russia and for the democratization of the political and economic institutions of France. On the eve of the strike, the Executive Committee of the Confederation declared the strike off, presumably because the government promised to withdraw troops from Russia and decrease the cost of living." The French Socialist Congress in Strassburg The National Congress of the French Socialist Party was called for January 25-29 in Strassburg to consider the following questions: First. The political situation; (a) the general election; (b) the parliamentary policy of the party; (c) organization of propaganda throughout the country. Second. The international situation; (a) resolutions of the last International Conference, and (b) the Geneva Congress. Before the Congress met it seemed as if it would be dominated by the extreme revolutionary groups. But the proposition to affiliate with the Third Moscow International, advanced by this group, was defeated. So was a similar proposition of the Right Wing to maintain affiliation with the Second International. The policy of the party was expressed in a resolution by which the executive committee was instructed to enter into negotiations with the Socialist parties already affiliated with the Third International, for the purpose of convening, in collaboration with the Independent Socialist Party of Germany, and with the Swiss and Italian Socialist parties, an International Socialist Conference for the purpose of forming a Third International composed of those parties in every country that based their action upon the traditional principles of Socialism. The executive committee at once sent out delegates of the party to Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Italy, Spain and Switzerland to report the action of the Strassburg Congress and to obtain their views on the reconstruction of the International. The sentiment of the Strassburg meeting was to reaffirm certain general policies. That the Socialist Party is a class party; that it condemns Socialist participation in capitalized industries; that it undertakes to organize the proletariat for the complete conquest of the public powers by every means, not excluding mass action; that it entirely approves of the Soviet government of Russia. What the party is at present aiming at is to reorganize the battle-front of International Socialism broken by the war. It declined to accept the leadership of Russia in this task, though it is willing to accept Russia's co-operation. The ambassadors that have been sent out to advise on their return under what conditions the conference that is desired by the Independent Socialists of Germany as well as by the French Socialists shall be convened, and to do so as quickly as possible. |