as a commander of a neutral and allied power, and that all captains of armed vessels, &c. who may meet that famous navigator shall make him acquainted with the king's orders on this behalf; but at the same time let him know, that on his part he must refrain from all hostilities."

It is said, indeed, that this idea of M. Turgot's originated with Dr. Franklin, then American minister at Paris, who issued a similar order to the ships of his nation, dated at Passy, near Paris, ten days before that of M. Sartine. But whether this be so or not, we apprehend that the fact itself, which is indisputable, established an undeniable claim upon the liberality of the British government to grant, at least, a return of similar indulgence to two French ships.

Again, a note in p. 378 of the voyage before us records another debt of this kind, under which the French government had placed us. It runs thus, " Even in a time when every principle of honour and justice was forgotten or overlooked in France, the National Convention decreed that the vessels of Vancouver should be respected, and that every assistance of which they might stand in need should be liberally afforded to them." This fact is also confirmed by the testimony of Vancouver himself, who mentions it in his able and scientific work, towards the end, as we think, of the third volume.

But even were these facts not upon record, we apprehend that it would have been a paltry and contracted policy, altogether unworthy of a great and enlightened nation like Great Britain, to be so far influenced by a dread of the naval and colonial rivality of France, as to preclude her from entering the lists of fair competition in making discoveries for the benefit of mankind. Surely the policy and morality of nations had not suffered so complete a revolution in the twenty years preceding 1800, that what it was generous, honourable, manly, and politic, for France to do in 1779, should be dupery, imbecility, and impoliey, when performed by England in 1800. Nor were Mr. Pitt and Lord Spencer very worthy of reproach in not supposing, without proof, that the first consul in this last year would surpass even the National Convention of 1794 in disregard of public principle.

For our own parts, we should sincerely rejoice that the attention of France was turned to these distant objects, being convinced that they are so many guarantees for her good behaviour during peace, and so much subtracted from her exclusive attention to Continental politics. But we fear that the tyrant of Europe has no such views at present: nor should we be much afraid of his success if he had. We have reason, indeed, to believe that the south coast of Australia is not so dangerous as

French exaggeration represents it; neither the Western Port nor what they pretend to call Port Champagny offering any particular danger to approaching navigators. But great obstacles to a successful colonization of either of these places are to be found in the soil of the surrounding countries, the general sterility of which could only be compensated by such a commerce as it would take ages to establish in those remote regions.

The insinuation that the Western Harbour at the extremity of Bass's Straits is the spot fixed on by the French government "for the establishment of an Australian Pondicherry" appears evidently hyperbolical; because even M. Péron, ready as he is to lay claim to other men's discoveries, plainly acknowledges this to belong to England; and although he admits its advan-, tages, he does not even pretend to more on behalf of the French expedition than their having verified former discoveries and corrected a few errors. Moreover it appears in p. 326, that M. Péron, (who, whatever the views of his government might be, of course had his eye directed to a French settlement on what he is pleased to term his newly discovered coast,) points out the port he denominates "Champagny," in the gulf he calls " Bonaparte," and which he claims as a French discovery, as the most favoured spot of the Terre Napoleon. An excellent port and fine anchorage, surrounded by land of a moderate elevation, fertile, well wooded, and (what is uncommon on these coasts) plentifully supplied with fresh water, render it (as he says, but not with perfect accuracy,)" a place of the highest importance, and one of which it may be affirmed without fear of contradiction, that of all the points of this coast, it is the most eligible for the settlement of an European colony." p. 326.

It is necessary here to observe, that this gulf and port is some degrees west of the Great Western Harbour, and unquestionably within the line of Captain Flinders's discoveries; consequently that the French have no sort of claim to it on the score of priority of investigation. Thus much for the policy of the per mission granted to the two ships.

That Mr. Pitt and Lord Spencer did not grant it without inquiry as to their destination appears from the following circumstances. We know from good sources of information, that the plan of Captain Flinders's voyage was laid and the Investigator commissioned a month before those ministers went out of office, and had not the delay of Captain Flinders's passport, and perhaps of some other circumstances, kept him in England, he was ready to sail and would have sailed in March or April 1801; and in all probability would have completed the investigation of the whole unvisited part of the south coast of Australia before the French

had seen any part of it. It is moreover upon record, that in July 1801, when Mr. Addington was really first lord of the treasury, and Lord St. Vincent at the head of the admiralty, and as soon as the necessary arrangements upon taking possession of the government would afford time for completing the preparations already begun, these last-mentioned ministers were goodnatured enough actually to dispatch Captain Flinders in the Investigator sloop of war, (as M. Péron states,)" pour rivaliser avce nous." An object which that excellent and active commander so effectually fulfilled, that before the French expedition entered upon its career of real discovery, the English had forestalled it in 840 out of 900 leagues of coast which it proposed to investigate. We cannot help observing, however, that the pretension that Captain Flinders was sent out to rival the French expedition is a characteristic and ridiculous trait enough of national vanity. Our readers need not to be informed, that no English navigator will be likely to take a French one for his model, or be content with doing no more than they have hitherto done.

With respect to the real origin of this French expedition, we think it quite clear that it is to be ascribed to the overweening national vanity of the philosophers composing the Imperial Institute of France, at whose exclusive suggestion it was undertaken; and that a superabundant motive is to be found in the first paragraphs of the work before us. It is there observed, "that since scientific discoveries have been justly considered as conferring the principal TITLE to the glory and prosperity of a people," (rather an odd phrase certainly,)" a generous rivality has existed in this career among the enlightened nations of Europe." That the English sçavans, by the successive labours of Banks, Solander, Sparman, the two Fosters, Anderson, Collins, &c. were about to bear away the palm of glory; therefore the national honour of France, and the progress it had made in the sciences, imperiously called for an expedition of discovery to the countries of Australia. And the French Institute thought it their bounden duty to propose the object to their govern

ment.

If any thing in addition to this clear exposition of the views of the Institute were necessary to prove what was the chief object of the voyage, we think that the following plan, traced out by the French government to the navigators, will amply supply it. Nor do we suppose it possible that our ministry, (if this plan was submitted to it, as we have no doubt it was,) could have hesitated to grant its licence and protection to the ships, under the circumstances of previous obligation just stated.

"According to this plan, we were to have touched at the Isle of France, there to have taken a third vessel smaller than our own. We were then ordered to proceed towards the southern extremity of Diemen's land, to double the South Cape, and visit d'Entrecasteaux's channel in all its parts. We were to explore and ascend as far as possible all the rivers in this part of Diemen's land, to reconnoitre all the eastern coast of this great island, to penetrate into Bass's straights, through those of Banks, and fix with precision the places for entrance and departure in the first of these straights. We were then instructed to complete the examination of the Hunter isles; and making the south-east coast of New Holland, to proceed along it to the point where the admiral d'Entrecasteaux had stopped; to pene trate behind the isles of St. Peter and St. Francis, and examine that portion of the continent which is concealed by them; where was supposed to exist a straight, which from this point would communicate with the head of the great gulf of Carpentaria, and which, consequently, would have been found to divide New Holland into two large islands nearly equal.

"This part of our business being terminated, we were to have reconnoitred the cape Leuwin, and the portion of unknown coast towards the north of that point, verifying the principal positions of the land of Leuwin, as well as those of Edels and Endracht, which had been but imperfectly examined by the oldest navigators, and the geography of which was consequently liable to all the imperfections belonging to the methods and instruments of their time. We were next to have ascended the river of Swans as far as it should be practicable; to lay down an accurate chart of the isle Rottnest and the coast in its vicinity; to visit the formidable Abrolhos, so fatal to Pelsar; to complete the investigation of the great bay of Sharks; to verify various stations on De Witt's land and along the rest of the north-west coast, particularly about the entrance of King William's river, and the islands of Rosemary, &c. At length we were to terminate this long first campaign at the north-west cape of New Holland. From this point making sail for the Moluccas, we were to have wintered at Timor or Amboyna. The following year we were to have proceeded from one or the other of these islands, and passing to the north of Ceram, we were ordered to make the south-west coast of New Guinea, to investigate it as far as the point at which Cook had stopped, behind which there was supposed to be a straight, dividing New Guinea into several islands; then returning towards the Endeavour straights, we were to have made the eastern point of the great gulf of Carpentaria, to have entered it, and reconnoitred its principal stations, to have fixed the position of the several islands which are marked upon the old maps, and visited the mouths of that number of supposed rivers which overcharge the ancient plans of this gulf, into which no navigator had penetrated for so long a time. Then coasting along Arnheim's land and North Diemen's land, we were to have finished this second campaign at the same north-west cape where the first would have been ended. Then traversing the Indian ocean, and

fixing the yet uncertain longitude of the Trial rocks, we had orders to touch a second time at the Isle of France; from thence in our passage back to Europe, calculated for the spring of 1803, the investigation of a portion of the eastern coast of Africa, upon which there yet remained some geographical uncertainties, would have usefully terminated the course of our extensive labours."

The result of the whole expedition was expected to be, "the examination of above five thousand leagues of coast, either wholly unknown, or very imperfectly explored before," coasts so inhospitable, that the destruction or imminent danger of all preceding navigators held out a dreadful warning to the present adventurers. "The history of the dangers we incurred (says M. Péron) will best shew the whole extent of the difficulties we had to encounter, and the loss of Captain Flinders's two ships*, sent out by the English government to emulate our proceedings, furnish but too deplorable a proof of them. Nevertheless the geographical portion of our labours is not the less interesting, and doubtless it will be easy for me to prove, by the detail of our operations in this department,, how honourable they are for the French marine." (P. 8.)

The singular modesty of this avowal makes us feel the less regret at the necessity which our sense of impartiality will lay us under completely to destroy the foundation of all this vain boasting, and to show from the indisputable authority of facts, that the only original researches made in this voyage, of which any honourable mention can be made, are confined to about sixty leagues of coast, instead of five thousand; and that very dishonourable measures indeed were had recourse to, in order to procure a colourable title to a more extended fulfilment of these magnificent promises.

In using this strong language, we beg leave to make an exception in favour of M. Péron personally. We understand that he is now no more; but those who knew him in his lifetime thought well of him; and allowance made for a large share of French vanity,-believed him to be an amiable man,-and had a good opinion of his talents, and his zeal for the progress of science. We are persuaded, therefore, that in the unjustifiable encroachments made upon Captain Flinders's discoveries, the tyrannizing influence of the French government had the principal, if not the whole share. On these accounts we beg to be understood, (as well in the preceding observa

*The truth is (as will appear in a subsequent part of this article), that Captain Flinders lost no ship. The Investigator was condemned and left at Port Jackson, and he was returning a passenger in the Porpoise, when she and the Cato, a mer shant ship accompanying her, were lost.