gion; a repeal of all penal statutes; a free parate the causes and

They claimed from Charles the freedom of the

341

country with ass

banishment of the

uld be disarm

suspension of Poynings' law, during its session
nulling of all acts and ordinances since the
gust, 1641; a general act of oblivion; a fr
ferent appointment of all Irish natives, with
to places of trust and honor. They also
formal declaration of the independency
liament on that of England. They pro
be instituted into all the cruelties an
have been committed on either side in
struggles; and that the perpetrators
condign punishment. In the spirit
the Irish agents declared, that the
mands as have been here set forth
and ardent loyalty of the people
ter sought no more than that
impartial constitution would
were ready to sacrifice in retu
and their properties. On t
Irish soldiers were ready to
of their monarch, against
centiousness of English e

on of

of the 10 will not cltiplication of ith attention the Ormond, in 1645. you are to make me the discover your enlargement though I leave the managesary work to you entirely, yet if the suspension of Poynings' uld be agreed on, these and the penal laws against papists by a law, think it a hard bargain, so that freethey engage themselves in my assistance, els in England and Scotland; for which

The protestants of the important transactions their delegates to ple sentation, and defend distressing to be oblii of the protestant I ject, who was see" in that constituti lize and it is with which mor tiality. Mr. J ance exhibit

tonished the

quire, in th

JOBS CALY

be too hard, not being against conscience Here the Irish reader will see justice going and with royal adversity; he will see the tears of gn washing out the foulness of the penal code,

m the pressure of intoler ion of English power. sed with, as a ne

ent; and eve

341

country with blood? They prayed his majes ate the causes of public irritation. They nishment of the catholic clergy: that the be disarmed; that the urast veken on those who canal 2722 macy should be etârond, and de egraded our Ir par sanen, at all forkcited essƏ, SİOBIL In a word, they proce its followe

ied their apainst the capriyed their strength fourteen hundred of the service of France; Co supply Charles with two ontrose in Scotland, the ancy was worthy of the cause in ed. It speaks a volume in supnd decided understanding, which by the chivalrous weakness that symalty in distress, while it forgot the duty to the liberties of its country. It is as We never shall send men to the assistance of until such a peace shall be settled as will demon

of such

ttles of E.

at we had really taken up arms for the sake of eligion and our country, and to establish both in their 1 splendor and their ancient grandeur."

Mr. Leland is indignant at the Irish priest, for the zeal he displayed in animating his countrymen to a firm and fearless assertion of the rights due to their religion and their liberties. His words are as follows: "The clergy, who had the whole commonalty at their devotion, laboured to obstruct all measures of accommodation which might not gratify the utmost extravagance of their wishes. Too ignorant to discern, and too selfish to regard the real interests of their party, they entertained their imaginations

consideration the difficulties of Charles, the demands of the Irish should be considered as moderate; yet such was the situation of parties in England, that the king could not make such concessions to his Irish subjects as would silence all future complaint. To the marquis of Ormond was left the ungracious and difficult task of concluding such an arrangement as would give satisfaction to all parties in Ireland. He met the deputies of the Irish confederacy in Dublin, on the sixth of September, 1644. At this interview the cessation was prolonged: but the con ditions of peace proposed by the Irish, being an echo of those proposed in the former year at Oxford, could not be conceded to by Ormond. The treaty was adjourned until April, 1645; during which interval Ormond promised to communicate with his sovereign on the proposed conditions of the Irish confederacy. Those who have doubted the wisdom of that policy which desires Ireland to estimate her hopes of prosperity by the depression of England; those who refuse to take advantage of the difficulties of the English government, or who will not measure their chances of redress by the multiplication of English embarrassment, let them read with attention the letter of Charles to the marquis of Ormond, in 1645. "Whatever it cost," says Charles, "you are to make me the best bargain you can, and not to discover your enlargement of power till you needs must; and though I leave the management of this great and necessary work to you entirely, yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspension of Poynings' act for such bills as should be agreed on, these and the present taking off the penal laws against papists by a law, will do it, I shall not think it a hard bargain, so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in my assistance, against my rebels in England and Scotland; for which no conditions can be too hard, not being against conscience or honor." Here the Irish reader will see justice going hand in hand with royal adversity; he will see the tears of the sovereign washing out the foulness of the penal code,

and the Irish heart relieved from the pressure of intoler'ance, in proportion to the humiliation of English power. To take the oath of supremacy is dispensed with, as a necessary qualification in a member of parliament; and every disposition consistent with sound practical policy was manifested, to conciliate the Irish affections. The councils of the Irish confederacy were now conducted with talent, ́spirit, and integrity. They stood on high ground, and maintained their station with true patriotic firmness; neither to be divided by the subtleties of negociation, nor weakened by the influence of corruption. They multiplied their applications to foreign courts, and guarded against the capricious revolutions of fortune. They displayed their strength and their zeal, by sending forward fourteen hundred of their most distinguished troops to the service of France; and when Ormond solicited them to supply Charles with two thousand men to support Montrose in Scotland, the answer of the Irish confederacy was worthy of the cause in which they were embarked. It speaks a volume in support of that manly and decided understanding, which could not be shaken by the chivalrous weakness that sympathized with royalty in distress, while it forgot the duty which it owed to the liberties of its country. It is as follows: "We never shall send men to the assistance of the king, until such a peace shall be settled as will demonstrate that we had really taken up arms for the sake of our religion and our country, and to establish both in their full splendor and their ancient grandeur.”

Mr. Leland is indignant at the Irish priest, for the zeal he displayed in animating his countrymen to a firm and fearless assertion of the rights due to their religion and their liberties. His words are as follows: "The clergy, who had the whole commonalty at their devotion, laboured to obstruct all measures of accommodation which might not gratify the utmost extravagance of their wishes. Too ignorant to discern, and too selfish to regard the 'real interests of their party, they entertained their imaginations

with gay prospects of riches, power, and magnificence, and intoxicated their partizans with declamations on the splendor of their religion." This is a sweeping judgment on the talents, the spirit, the fidelity, and the fortitude, with which the Irish clergy have adhered to the religion and the liberties of their country, unworthy of the veracity of an honest historian, and disgraceful to the character of an Irishman, who ought not to be insensible to the claims which the Irish priest has on the veneration of posterity, when he reads the struggles with which he combated, the seduction he resisted, and the despotism which he conquered. The clergy of the established church would justly consider that accusation illiberal, which would represent their attachment to the creed of their fathers as the offspring of ignorant zeal and barbarous fanaticism.

The modern historian should endeavour to inculcate in the heart and understanding of his reader, a becoming respect for the various and often unintelligible opinions of his fellow creatures. He should recommend the toleration of all. He should discourage that insolent pride which would dictate on subjects incomprehensible by man; and he should demonstrate from his reading and his experience, that he who conscientiously adheres to the faith of his fathers, without turning to the right or to the left to question the purity of another's creed, will be the best member of society, as well as the best subject of the king. Toleration is the great secret which promises to harmonize mankind. Under its government the fanatic loses all his importance, and bigotry all its malignity. The human mind ranges at large in search of truth, and no longer adheres to a doctrine which cannot bear the crucible of examination. Mr. Leland was a distinguished member of the established church. This divine, who boasts of professing a religion which preaches resistance to oppression, should have been one of the first to tolerate those principles which the great majority