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cense; it is dangerous for thee to keep it. intently at Pascal, "h’m," and he passed a Thou must sell no more whiskey blanc, thou long, slim hand across his lined brow. He must become temperance, and we will go was humorously convinced that the Roback to the farm. “But,' says my wife, chettes knew nothing of the last night's ser'thou hast done much wrong and to make enade. peace with Monsieur le Curé and the bon “Pascal, my son," he said finally, dropDieu, this penance has come into my head: ping his eyes and motioning the money the two hundred dollars that thou hast away from him, “wilt thou not need the two gained this month, thou shalt rend them to hundred dollars for the farm?” The possiMonsieur le Curé, and the whiskey in the bility of excommunication had melted into house thou shalt ask nothing for it, thou thin air. shalt give it away.""

The man's heavy face lighted with pleasHere Pascal, assured of admiration, ure. “Ah, Monsieur le Curé," he said, paused and looked proudly at Monsieur le quickly pocketing the bills, “what goodFerrière, but the Curé, his hand before his ness. You think, then, that the bon Dieu twitching lips, turned abruptly to an open will be satisfied with less ?" window and became absorbed in contem- The Cure's lips quivered as he rose to his plation of the disordered barnyard. feet, but he nodded his head reassuringly.

Pascal, with a sigh of disappointment, He smoothed down his soutane, he put on continued his narrative. “At first, Mon- his hat. sieur, I say no. I have earned the two hun- “Tell Claudia,” he said finally, forming dred dollars and there remains much whis- his words with slow precision, “that I am key, for at least fifty dollars, Monsieur. It very happy. As thou sayest: she has the is enough that I give up the license, become head, she is a good wife to thee, Pascal. It temperance and go back to the farm. But is well that thou shouldst go back to the Claudia is obstinate like a pig. A penance, farm; it is well that thou shouldst give up she says, is not a penance if it costs nothing. the license, but perhaps another time it What would you, Monsieur,” pleaded Pas- would be wiser to come to me. I would not cal, shrugging his shoulders,“those who are interfere with Claudia, but a priest of my married know it is better to agree with one's age has, after all, a certain experience in wife. I go to the village in the afternoon and penances.” The Curé's face was set in tell everybody that I have done wrong, that grave lines and his broad-brimmed hat hid I give up the license, that I give away for his eyes. “Au revoir, my son," he said, as nothing the remainder of the whiskey blanc. he pushed open the door of the bar. He They are good fellow in the village, Mon- threaded his way through the broken hotsieur, they say Claudia is right, that she has tles and stepped out into the village street. good ideas. They all shake me by the hand “My children, my children,” he murand promise to help me. So when I come to mured, “and I dreamed of leaving you." my house Claudia and I open the door of the The clear sunshine was dazzling, the sky bar, we leave the bottles on the counter, he cloudless, and the narrow, lonely road lay who comes helps himself. My wife and I white and straight between the hip-roofed go early to bed, but, I assure Monsieur, not houses. In the shed behind the kitchen to sleep. The noise those fellows made was Madame Rochette stood like a priestess une affaire terrible. I wish to send them before her wash-tub. away; but Claudia, she say 'No, it is part “Ah, Pascal," she said, plunging her of the penance.'.

hands in the soapsuds, “what did I say? The Curé, still studying the barnyard, Didst thou no see Monsieur le Curé's face? lifted his shoulders ever so slightly, but Pas- it shone like the moon of August; he and cal, intent on the fulfilment of his promises, the bon Dieu are full of admiration.” was unsuspicious. He plunged a huge hand Pascal, submissive and convinced, bowed into a sagging vest-pocket and drew out a his head to the marital yoke and only the roll of dirty bills. “Here are the two hun- swaying green willow before Pascal's door, dred dollars, Monsieur," he said. His tone as it stooped low to shelter the priest from of voice, though regretful, was firm. the blazing sun, knew that, though there

“H'm,'murmured the Curé, with an as- were tears of relief and tenderness in his sumed gravity, as he faced about and looked faded eyes, Monsieur le Curé was laughing.



By Theodore S. Woolsey

B HE Equality of States; ure. Their one idea of statecraft is to

rather a dull, repellent, break up such combinations by playing not to say commonplace, upon mutual jealousies, by playing off topic is this, one says to one state against another. And so we himself. True, but so are have a picture of modern Europe. Amidst

the Ten Commandments. the greater themes runs ever this minor It is the breach of them that lends inter- chord in the European concert. The Conest to them. If every state in the family cert of the Powers constraining Turkey of nations recognized and respected the and Greece and the Danubian peoples to central fact upon which political society be good and quiet, and calling their action is founded—that every other state is its “police power,” is a familiar spectacle. own equal in the possession of rights, and Who gave them this power over their must be let alone in the exercise of those equals? They took it, and said it was rights—then truly our lines would be cast in self-defence. in pleasant places for the millennium would It may be here remarked that the very have arrived.

ancient principle of the balance of power, Let us illustrate the difference between that is, the principle that if one of a group theory and practice in the working out of of states grows so strong as to endanger this doctrine of state equality in certain another all the rest shall combine to reof its aspects.

duce the first to harmlessness, was also a For two generations the states of the denial of state equality and based on the European continent have been divisible same need of self-defence. The balance into two general classes: those which are of power principle in one shape or anrespectable members of society and those other survived until the decade 1860which are not. The former pay their 1870. That period saw Germany growdebts or at least the interest on them; are ing united and strong and finally prestrong enough to command respect; are dominant, but with no combination stable enough to encourage development; against her. And since then there seems are wise enough to recognize common to have sprung up in place of the balance interests, such as the value of tranquillity; of power principle a system of alliances in short, are powers. The latter are out to hold the big states in check, and the side of this charmed circle. They are in police power idea to restrain the little no combinations; they play the political ones. game single-handed; they fish in troubled To avoid the appearance of vagueness waters and, it may be, trouble the waters let us take a single illustration of this in order to fish; through ignorance or police power and its application. Greece shiftlessness or policy they misgovern was a victim of Turkey's misrule. With their subjects; they owe more than they the aid of the Powers she got her indecan pay; they lack credit, stability, char- pendence and passed under their tuteacter, but they do not lack astuteness. lage. Many vicissitudes she met with, Now if the equality of states were a fact, but in process of time at the Berlin Conif independence or the right to be let gress, like other states, fattened a little alone were complete, such states would at the expense of Turkey. Unfortunately be allowed to misgovern and to lag be- the increase of territory proved a mere hind in civilization uncontrolled. paper promise. So in 1897, to call atten

This is not always permitted them, tion to her wrongs and her claims, folhowever. They feel the power of combi- lowing time-honored usage, Greece began rations of states of the former class exer- to agitate. She aided the Christian incised to keep them in the straight and surgents in Crete and raided over the narrow way and duly resent the press- border in Epirus and Macedonia. Naturally war with Turkey resulted, and the progress. Still, progress there has been warlike Ottomans speedily mastered by whatever standard you test it: by Thessaly. Then the Powers interfered. stability, by credit, by growth in wealth, At the outset Salisbury, as the mouth- by institutional development, even by piece of the Concert, had plainly said, constitutional control “ The Powers being firmly resolved to Yet alongside of this brighter picture maintain the general peace, have decided is a long, dark vista of dictatorships and not to permit the aggressor in any case revolutions, of broken contracts and reto reap the least advantage from such pudiation, of life and property insecure. aggression.” He added further, “ It is In one particular the American differs impossible that Europe should allow from the European situation, for here Christian communities to fall under the there is no such danger of a general emSultan's government. But it must not be broilment. The police power, if applied supposed, because this doctrine throws at all to the ill-behaved states, must be its ægis over Greece, that therefore she justified by the needs of civilization, not is to be free from all penalties attaching of self-defence. Whether such interferto unwise or unrighteous action.” Thusence in the affairs of another state, based when the moment for intervention came, upon such a motive, is justifiable, each Turkey was whipped off, and Greece, in person must judge, for himself. That a chastened spirit after her thrashing, President Roosevelt believes in it seems was set going again with but trivial loss evident from his message to Congress as the result of her adventure. There of December 6, 1904. “Any country was no more real equality between these whose people conduct themselves well states than there is between the three can count upon our hearty friendship. If actors in a barnyard drama when I set a nation shows decency and efficiency in my dog on my cow to drive her out social and political matters, if it keeps of my garden. Nevertheless there is order and pays its obligations, it need plenty of reason to believe that the ex- fear no interference from the United cuse for this abnormal exercise of control, States. Chronic wrong-doing, as an innamely, that it is done in behalf of the fluence which results in a general loosenpeace of Europe, is a good excuse and a ing of the ties of civilized society, may real reason. It is to be borne constantly in America as elsewhere ultimately rein mind, however, that this police power quire intervention by some civilized nais wielded by all the leading powers of tion, and, in the Western Hemisphere, the European continent, with the sole the adherence of the United States, howexception of Turkey, not necessarily ever reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such bound by treaty but acting unitedly be- wrong-doing or impotence to the exercause their interests are identical, and at cise of an international police power." the back of all these interests is fear- And I would point out that both Eurofear lest a spark not stamped promptly pean powers and the United States have out may lead to a general conflagration. repeatedly assumed this right. France


Turn now to our own hemisphere. in Mexico, Peru and Buenos Ayres; the

To the casual and prejudiced observer United States in Cuba, Santo Domingo, it may be that the Latin-American states and Venezuela; Great Britain in Nicalook alike. This is not the opinion of ragua, Venezuela and Buenos Ayres; those who have sympathetically studied Spain in Peru and Chile, are cases in our neighbors. As in Europe, there are point. Examples of this action, big and good states and bad states. There are little, justifiable and hard to justify, sucMexico and Brazil, Chile, Peru and the cessful and failures, are many. Certainly Argentine, as well as Venezuela, Cuba, if the application of an international police Santo Domingo, Hayti and Salvador. It power in Europe is lawful, its proper use is true that popular opinion and the peo- on other continents must be equally lawful. ple's will do not always find as free ex- Here belongs what is called in modern pression as one could wish. The benefi- political phrase, the policy of the “big cent despot rather than the constitutional stick" as if it were a policeman's trunexecutive has been the instrument of cheon. To meet this growing readiness

Vol. XLV.-39

violently to interfere in their affairs on forced; it is true if we intervene in behalf pecuniary grounds, the South American of humanity or to advance the interests states have invented a contrary principle of civilization. Whatever we do single which they call from its sponsors the handed will be mistrusted. It is as if Calvo or (in a milder form) the Drago Great Britain should undertake to tranDoctrine, forbidding the collection by quilize South-Eastern Europe without force of contract debts claimed by one consulting Austria and Germany and country as due its citizens by another. Russia. This was considered and agreed to by There is another aspect of single-handthe Second Hague Conference. But the ed action: if the United States attempts prohibition does not hold if the debtor alone to control the destinies of the state refuses to submit the question of minor states on this continent. It preliability to arbitration or if after losing supposes a power which it does not posin arbitration it fails to pay the award. sess, as well as a responsibility which it Thus by implication the abstract right of cannot afford to assume. Even to reinterference is approved.

dress our own wrongs, we cannot get at Somewhat akin to this exercise of po- Venezuela behind her mountain rampart, lice power is another claim which the for instance. United States alone asserts, to concern To march an army and to supply it, itself with its fellow American states in over the route which leads from the sea their deience, for it assumes to prevent to Caracas is an impracticable thing and full punishment of their wrong-doing. President Castro is well aware of it. This is the Monroe Doctrine in its mod- Thus we assume, under the modern ern shape, the doctrine that though a broadly expanded Monroe Doctrine, to European state may punish an American forbid foreign aggressive action against state for misdemeanor, may declare war Venezuela to the extent of seizing terriupon it even, yet punishment must not tory, yet have no means of curbing Venresult in permanent seizure of its territory. ezuela in her aggression upon the rights Curiously enough the United States bases of other powers, even of ourselves. such action so far as it is aimed at Euro- Exactly what degree of responsibility pean powers upon the right of self-de- can be attached to the United States for fence. President Cleveland, for instance, the misbehavior of a state like Venezuela in his Venezuela message of December it is difficult to say. Of course our own 17, 1895, says that his enforcement of this official attitude is to deny any responsiMonroe Doctrine against Great Britain bility at all. And yet it is open to argu“ is important to our peace and safety as ment whether this assumption of power a nation and is essential to the integrity without corresponding responsibility is of our free institutions” ... and earlier not inconsistent with the principles of in the same month he had told Congress reason, of justice and of law. In this conthat “the traditional and established pol- nection let me cite certain remarks of icy of this Government is firmly opposed Secretary Root before the New England to a forcible increase by any European Society in 1904, speaking on a corollary power of its territorial possessions on this of the Monroe Doctrine, as given in the continent." Thus upon this Western con- next day's papers: tinent are a variety of states with whose “And if we are to maintain this docpolitical fortunes our own are in this trine which is vital to our national life way linked and with whose commercial and safety, at the same time when we say development we desire to be identified. to the other powers of the world: You But such altruism is not always appreci- shall not push your remedies for wrongs ated. For, owing to similarity of race, against these republics to the point of speech and situation, when we interfere occupying their territory, we are bound

-as in behalf of Cuba-all the other to say that whenever the wrong cannot Latin-American communities incline to be otherwise redressed we ourselves will suspect the integrity of our motives. This see that it is redressed.” is true if the “big stick” is brandished; To protect another from the conseit is true if the Monroe Doctrine is en- quences of his act, yet not to have con

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