bringing together of the Red unions on a world-wide scale. The Executive Committee of the Communist International is firmly convinced that at the next Congress of the Communist International will be present proletarian trade unions of the whole world, which will thus become a part (section) of the Communist International.

"The revolutionized trade unions of those countries where authority still belongs to the bourgeoisie and to socialisttraitors, are in need of our practical support. We are deeply convinced that your Congress will lay the foundation for creating a militant fund to assist our foreign brothers. We propose that your Congress should resolve that all former strike funds of trade unions in Russia, in view of the fact that these funds are no longer needed by us, should be used as the basis for the international fund of the Red trade unions. When the Petrograd Soviet of Trade Unions several weeks ago called on the Petrograd workmen to render material assistance to the Swedish metal workers who had been locked out, in the course of several days more than ten million rubles were collected. The authoritative decision of your Congress will be able to give us even larger sums to assist foreign Red unions.

Your voice on the matter of the organization of an International of Red Unions will resound over the whole world. Long live the Third All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions.

Long live the International of Red Producers' Unions. President of the Executive Committee of the Communist International,

G. ZINOVIEV.

Document III

MANIFESTO OF JULY 15, 1920, OF THE INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS

To the Trade Unions of All Countries:

What have the trade unions of both great and small nations done during the course of the war? How have they carried out the solemn pledges of international solidarity and working-class fraternity? The trade unions mostly became the pillars of Jingo policy on the part of their respective governments; they worked hand-in-hand with bourgeois nationalist rogues, and aroused in the minds of the workers the basest of chauvinist instincts. These persons for a period of many years, have been the henchmen of their respective governments. The latter have directed all their energy to mutual extermination of the people, whilst the former have now commenced to reconstitute the International Federation of Trades Unions, which had collapsed through their treachery. At Berne and Amsterdam, those trusted protagonists of the bourgeoisie, namely, Messrs. Legien, Oudegast, Jouhanx, Appleton, Gompers, etc., became reconciled; they re-established the International Federation of Trade Unions after long nationalist discussions and mutual recriminations of a chauvinist character. What are the principles of this Federation? What is its programme? What is the attitude of this International organization to the violent social conflicts of our times? How in their opinion, will they emerge from the blind alley into which Capitalist Imperialism has driven humanity? The answers to these questions are expressed by the fact that the directors and leaders of the International Federation of Trade Unions are at the same time the principals of the infamous International Labour Office of the rapacious League of Nations. This Labour Office is composed of representatives of the organized employers, the trade unions, and the neutral capitalist governments. The attitude of the Amsterdam International is a logical consequence of constituting the Federa tion by component national factions. It is an organization of Social Patriots, of traitors to the interests of the workers of all countries. It is an International Federation of Betrayal.

The newly formed general staff of revolutionary Trade Unionism representing eight million members calls upon the Trade Unions throughout the world to repudiate those leaders. who voice the criminal policy of collaboration with the bourgeoisie; moreover, to enlist themselves under the banner of class war to the bitter end for the emancipation of mankind. The International Council of Trade Unions proclaims war, not peace, on the bourgeoisie of all countries; that is the substance of our agitation. Our programme is to overthrow the bourgeoisie by force; the bringing into effect of the dictatorship of the proletariat, of irrepressible class struggle both nationally and internationally, and to form an immovable alliance with the Communist International. Be it known that we regard those leaders of trade unionism as our class enemies who are of opinion that negotiations and compromise will solve the social problem; who seriously think that capitalists will hand over the means of production on the achievement of working-class majority in Parliament; who think that Trade Unions can remain neutral at a time of collapse of the old social order, and at a time when the destiny of the world is being determined; and who preach social reconciliation at a time of rabid class warfare. We shall employ the most stubborn resistance in order to defeat them and their manoeuvres. The International Council of Trade Unions and the International Federation of Trade. Unions at Amsterdam stand on different sides of a barricade; on one, the side of social revolution; and on the other, of reaction. The choice will not be difficult for the workers and for the true revolutionary; Long live the proletarian world revolution; Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat!

LENIN'S TWENTY-ONE CONDITIONS

THIRD INTERNATIONAL ISSUES CONDITIONS FOR AFFILIATION

(The first Congress of the Communist International did not lay down exact conditions for acceptance into the Third International. Up to the time of calling the first Congress there existed in most countries merely Communist tendencies and groups. — New York Call, September 23, 1920.)

Now they often turn toward the Communist International parties and groups that only a short time ago belonged to the Second International, and that now wish to enter the Third International, although they have not in reality become Communistic.

The Second International is definitely smashed. The middle parties and the groups of the "center" that understand the entire hopelessness of the outlook for the Second International are attempting to lean upon the Communist International, which is steadily growing more powerful.

Nevertheless, they hope in so doing to retain such a degree of "autonomy as will insure them the possibility of carrying out their former opportunistic, or "center" policy. To a certain degree the Communist International has become the style.

The desire by some of the leading groups of the "center" to enter the Third International is an indirect confirmation of the fact that the Communist International has won the sympathies of the great majority of the class conscious workers of the whole world and that it is daily becoming stronger.

The Communist International is menaced by the danger of being diluted by unsteady elements noted for their halfway methods and which have not yet definitely shed the ideology of the Second International.

Furthermore, there remains to this day in some of the great parties (those of Italy, Sweden, Norway, Jugoslavia, etc.) whose majorities have the standpoint of Communism, an important reformist and social-pacifist wing which is only waiting for the proper time to raise its head again, to begin the active sabotage of the proletarian revolution, and thus to help the bourgeoisie and the Second International.

No Communist must forget the lessons of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. The amalgamation of the Hungarian Communists with the so-called left-wing Social Democrats cost the Hungarian proletariat dear.

Because of all this, the second congress of the Communist International regards it as necessary to lay down very exactly the conditions for the admission of the new parties and to direct the attention of those parties which have been admitted to the Communist International to the duties incumbent upon them.

The second congress of the Communist International adopts the following conditions for membership in the Communist International:

1. The entire propaganda and agitation must bear a genuinely Communistic character and agree with the program and the decision of the Third International. All the press organs of the party must be managed by responsible Communists, who have proved their devotion to the cause of the proletariat.

The dictatorship of the proletariat must not be talked about as if it were an ordinary formula learned by heart, but it must be propagated for in such a way as to make its necessity apparent to every plain worker, soldier and peasant through the facts of daily life, which must be systematically watched by our press and fully utilized from day to day.

The periodical and non-periodical press and all party publishing concerns must be under the complete control of the party management, regardless of the fact of the party as a whole being at that moment legal or illegal. It is inadmissible for the publishing concerns to abuse their autonomy and to follow a policy which does not entirely correspond to the party's policy.

In the columns of the press, at public meetings, in trade unions, in co-operatives, and all other places where the supporters of the Third International are admitted, it is necessary systematically and unmercifully to brand, not only the bourgoisie, but also its accomplices, the reformers of all types.

2. Every organization that wishes to affiliate with the Communist International must regularly and systematically remove the reformist and centrist elements from all the more