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was supported, and closes in a strain the generous people will recognise the of pure and lofty eloquence seldom truth of the facts we present to them. reached in the House of Commons Above all, we are sustained by the -where sparkling personalities and sense of justice which we feel belongs party hits are more keenly relished to the cause we are advocating, and than the luminous enunciation of great because we are determined to follow principles, or touching appeals to noble that bright star of justice beaming from sentiments. In this speech, the orator the heavens whithersoever it may lead." showed himself able to excel in the Mr. Gladstone's second important former, but delighting in the latter. work appeared in 1840, under the title, After turning upon Lord John Russell, "Church Principles Considered in their one of his lordship's own most effective Results." It is virtually the suppleperorations, Mr. Gladstone proceeded ment of his former production, devethus: "My conviction is, that the ques- loping, and largely arguing, views there tion of religious freedom is not to be only incidentally, if at all expressed; dealt with as one of the ordinary matters of greater interest to theologians than that you may do to-day and undo to- to politicians. It treats of the inmorrow. This great principle which stitutions or doctrines of the church, we (the opposition) have the honour to as regards their authority and operrepresent, moves slowly in matters of ation - especially of the sacraments politics and legislation, but though it and of apostolical succession. moves slowly, it moves steadily. The author's views on the first of these principle of religious freedom, its adap- two points may be thus summed up in tation to our modern state, and its his own words: "In the midst of all compatibility with ancient institutions, the threatening symptoms of tendency was a principle which you did not towards unbelief and disorganization adopt in haste. It was a principle well with which the age abounds, we are led tried in struggle and conflict. It was to regard the sacraments as the chief a principle which gained the assent of and central fountain of the vital influone public man after another. It was ences of religion when the church is in a principle which ultimately triumphed health and vigour, as their never wholly after you had spent upon it half a cen- obstructed source when she is overtury of agonizing struggle. And now spread with the frost of indifference, as what are you going to do? You have their best and innermost fastness, arrived at the division of the century. when latent infidelity gnaws and eats Are you going to repeat Penelope's pro- away the heart of her creed, and of all cess, but without Penelope's purpose? her collateral ordinances." On Apostolical Succession he is equally decided. His sense of the value of a question which to many is only one of "vain genealogies," is fairly expressed in the following clause of a sentence, too long for quotation entire :-"It is to us nothing less than a part of our religious obligation to seek the sacraments at the hands of those who have been traditionally empowered to deliver them in their integrity; that is, with the assurance of that spiritual blessing which, although it may be obstructed by our disqualifications in its passage to our souls, forms the inward and chief portions of those solemn rites." Venturing to transfer ourselves from the "dim religious light" of our author's diction, into the clearer atmosphere of popular phraseology, we may say ;-he holds that the ordinances of baptism and the Lord's supper are veritable means of communicating grace, not merely the symbols of its communication; and that

Show, if you will, the pope of Rome, and his cardinals, and his church, that England as well as Rome has her semper eadem ; that when she has once adopted the great principle of legislation which is destined to influence her national character and mark her policy for ages to come, and affect the whole nature of her influence among the nations of the world-show that when she has done this, slowly and with hesitation and difficulty, but still deliberately and but once for all, she can no more retrace her steps than the river that bathes this giant city can flow backward to its source..... We, the opponents of this bill, are a minority, insignificant in point of numbers. We are more insignificant because we have no ordinary bond of union. But I say that we, minority as we are, are sustained in our path by the consciousness that we serve both a generous Queen and a generous people, and that

Episcopal ministers, historically connected with the apostles, are the only authorised, and therefore effective, administrators of those ordinances. To trace out Mr. Gladstone's corollaries from these propositions, would be to overstep the province of a non-theological magazine; and to impute to him conclusions which he may possibly repudiate, would be to imitate one of the worst though commonest vices of controversy

This "hope" was in some danger of disappointment. The Low-church and Anti-tractarian parties, elated by several consecutive triumphs in the University, vehemently opposed Mr. Gladstone on account of the sentiments advocated in this very work, and in that on "Church Principles." They set up against him, in conjunction with Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Round; but Mr. Gladstone triumphed by a majority of some two The Maynooth question having been hundred votes over the latter candidate. removed out of his way, Mr. Gladstone In the course of the late parliament, re-entered the ministry in December, he incurred the risk of displeasing 1845, taking the post of Colonial Secre- alternately both sections of his suptary, vacated by Lord Stanley on ac- porters-the liberals, by his opposition count of Sir Robert Peel's resolution to University reform, and his speech to abolish the corn laws. In the on Mr. Disraeli's motion for the relief of spring of the previous year he had agricultural distress; the conservatives, rendered important service to the by refusing to take office with Earl new policy by the publication of a Derby, in February, 1851, and inflicting pamphlet, ("Remarks on Recent Com- on the late Government the only mamercial Legislation,") exhibiting in ela- terial defeat they experienced through borate detail the beneficial working of the session of 1852. He was, therefore, the tariff of 1842. Probably none of exposed to a determined opposition at the converts to the free-trade doctrine the last general election; when Dr. Bulmade a greater sacrifice of personal and lock Marsham polled more votes than Mr. party ties than did Mr. Gladstone. Not Gladstone himself in the previous cononly were his father and brothers bi- test. He has just emerged from a still goted protectionists, but the late lord more vexatious and protracted struggle of Cumber so successfully exerted his By taking a very prominent part in the ducal influence over Newark, as to pre- recent free-trade and budget debates— vent Mr. Gladstone's re-election; thus gaining, indeed, the most signal rhetodepriving the premier of his ablest rical success of the whole conflict-and lieutenant through the memorable accepting office in the new coalition parliamentary struggle of 1846. At the ministry, he at once exasperated his general election of 1847, however, Mr. old opponents, and alienated some of Gladstone was compensated for this his warmest supporters.* temporary exclusion from the House of Commons, by the bestowal of an honour two successive statesmen (Canning and Peel) have prized as nobler than any in the gift of crown or people, and have yielded up as the heaviest penalty of faithfulness to conviction namely, the representation of Oxford University. How highly he appreciated this honour may be judged from the dedication to his alma mater of the first-born of his intellectual progeny, in these words of filial piety and pride :

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We come now to an episode in Mr. Gladstone's career which has conferred upon his name a world-wide reputation, and gained for him the admiration of millions. In the winter of 1850, he went to Naples, actuated only by such motives as carry thither annually hundreds of our affluent countrymen. He came in contact, however, with circumstances which converted his visit of pleasure into a "mission" noble as was ever undertaken by any knight errant of humanity. Naples had been con

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spicuous in the tragic drama of Revolution and Reaction. In January, 1846, a constitution was spontaneously granted to the kingdom of Naples, sworn to by the monarch with every circumstance of solemnity, accepted by the people with universal and peaceful joy. Under this constitution, a Chamber of 164 deputies was elected by about 117,000 votes. On the 15th of May following, a collision took place, or was assumed to have taken place, between the authorities and the citizens. The former were victorious, and made ferocious use of their victory. Nevertheless, the constitution was solemnly ratified, and the King conjured the people to confide in

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written letter to Earl Aberdeen, as ex-
Foreign Secretary, reciting what he had
witnessed, and suggesting a private re-
monstrance with the government of
Naples. That remonstrance having
proved ineffectual, Mr. Gladstone pub-
lished, in July, 1851, that and a supple-
mentary letter. Never did pamphlet
create a more profound sensation. Fif
teen or twenty editions sold in less than
as many weeks; newspapers multiplied
its revelations a million-fold;
Lord Palmerston presented copies to all
the continental ambassadors, for trans-
ference to their respective governments.
Only one English litterateur, Mr. Charles
Macfarlane, could be found to indite an

and

his " good faith," his sense of reli-"Apology" for the power thus formally

66

was

gion," and his "sacred and spontaneous impeached at the bar of universal oath." On Mr. Gladstone's arrival in opinion; and that performance was Naples, about two years and a half from justly deemed so unsatisfactory by his the date of this address, he heard re- clients, that an "Official Reply peated the assertion of an eminent put forth. Mr. Gladstone briefly reNeapolitan, that nearly the whole of joined; and his facts, by almost unanithe Opposition in the Chamber of mous consent, stand equally unimDeputies (the Chamber itself having pugnable with his motives. been abolished) were either in prison That he is" a member of the Conseror in exile. He deemed this statement rative party in one of the great families a monstrous invention; but was con- of European nations," is alleged by vinced, by the sight of a list in de- Mr. Gladstone as one of his reasons for tail," that it was under the truth-that doing the very thing which has proan absolute majority of the representa- cured for him the sympathetic admiratives were either suffering imprison- tion of English and European liberalment, or avoiding it by self-expatriation.ism. "Your deviation from the ConThe knowledge of this terrible fact led servative principles of finance will be him on to the investigation of other followed by a late but ineffectual repentand yet more horrible statements-that ance," was his final appeal against the there were ten, twenty, thirty thousand budget of a tory minister. These circumpolitical prisoners in the kingdom of stances are strikingly significant-the Naples; that many of these unhappy explanation of his apparently vacillating persons were of eminent station and of career, and of his present anomalous unimpeachable loyalty; that few or position. He is emphatically a Consernone of the detenus had been legally ar-vative-Liberal-Conservative in convicrested or held to trial; that, neverthe- tion and sentiment, Liberal by the preless, they were suffering intolerable science of his intellect and the gener wretchedness-sickness, hunger, suffo-osity of his nature. One of the herecation, and irons; that, in short, the ditary princes of commerce, he is also government was "the negation of God one of the elected chiefs of the republic erected into a system." Having with of letters; having early set himself to his own eyes tested as many of these win distinction in the quiet walks of statements as admitted of verification, scholarship, and in the noisy arena of and found the horribleness of reality to intellectual strife. Content with no less exceed the horribleness of rumour, than a triple crown, he would add to Mr. Gladstone determined-despite his the reputation of the schoolman and strong conservative prejudices against the philosopher, that of the politician. interfering in the affairs of other na- He enters the senate as the champion tions, and especially of even seeming to of prescriptive power, at the moment side with republicans-to make an ef- when innovation is elate with triumph, fort for the abatement of such gigantic and impatient for renewed struggle;— atrocities. Immediately on his return yet in the only decisive struggle which to England, therefore, he addressed a has since occurred, he bled and con

quered in the rearguard of progress. function of the understanding, not to He asserts the principle of authority in develop, but only to apply, religious religious faith, and of unity in political truth-that there is efficacy in outward institutions, with a rotund positiveness rites duly administered, deeper than our from which even its veteran devotees conciousness, and lasting as our exisrecoil;—nevertheless, he surrenders one tence-that to a class of men is comby one every remnant of the times mitted the influences to which it is unwhen that principle obtained, with a speakably important that all men should promptitude shocking to many of its be subjected his sympathies are enprofessed opponents. He submits to gaged, beyond the utmost compulsion of toil and sacrifice to aid in the abolition the intellect, to that side of public affairs of a system, for the loss of which he is which we are agreed to call the aristoafterwards not sure those who benefited cratic. Further, the natural bias of his by it should not be compensated;-yet mind, strengthened by the direction of when that very position is embodied in his studies, is towards an undue revera Government, his is the hand put forth ence for the past. Thus we find, that to overturn it, and no one attributes to all his arguments are based, in theology, him an unworthy motive. He avows upon revelation-in politics, upon prehimself in virtual alliance with the es- cedent; all his appeals addressed to tablished governments of Europe, yet the religious prepossessions or histo has done more to make them hateful, rical knowledge of those whom he and therefore feeble, than any one of would persuade. He never takes his the revolutionary chiefs. He framed a stand upon the immutable facts of our theory of social relations which requires nature, the inalienable rights of manin the members of a Government some- never rises to those prophetic heights thing like a common faith and a corpo- whence pictures of social perfection may rate conscience; yet takes his seat in be discerned. But over against all this the Queen's councils with men whose must be set that rectitude of intellect religious views are the antipodes of his which makes him anxious to understand own, and whose conscience has dictated both sides of a controversy,-that keenconduct quite the opposite of his, on ness of perception, which detects the questions of the highest moment;— entrance of a question upon what he still no one calls him unprincipled. calls its "fluent state "-and that deliThough a man of nicest honour, he cacy of conscience which will permit clings to a society in which he is in him to inflict no known injustice, nor sulted by some, and can have little con- gain for his party any unfair advantages. geniality with any, because, all are A philosopher among statesmen, he is agreed, he loves the name it bears, and also a purist among politicians. It the cause it represents. Holding, as would be most hazardous to predict the Mr. Gladstone does, that government is career of a man so thoroughly indivinot a human arrangement, necessitated dual; but, reviewing the incidents of a by human imperfection, but a divinely career chequered but unblemished, we appointed power,-though designed for may confidently anticipate, that as that the general good, not originating in the future lengthens out it will yield only general will, he is necessarily a Con- honour to him, and chiefly service to servative. Believing, too, that it is the his country. W. W.

WILLIAM CHARLES MACREADY.

THE father of the subject of the present | became a stage manager and sometimes biography, William Macready, was an got engagements in London; it was author, actor, metropolitan and provin- during the time he was a member of cial manager. He was a native of the Covent Garden company, his celeDublin, where he was bred to the busi- brated son was born on March 3, 1793, ness of an upholsterer, which he de- at a house in Charles Street, Fitzroy serted for the stage, for which during Square. his apprenticeship he had imbibed a taste. After various vicissitudes he

His father, it would appear, however successful he might have been himself

E

"The Theatrical Inquisitor," a journal of the day, thus speaks of him: "Mr. Macready's performance of Orestes is in many parts very fine; not being used to a large theatre, allowance must be made for his voice being occasionally too low-some of his tones remind us of Mr. Elliston, who we apprehend has been Mr. Macready's model. Those who recollect Mr. Holman in Orestes, will be delighted with the superiority of this young man's performance. His love, his apprehensions, his hope, and his despair, were admirably depicted, and his mad scene was a natural picture of insanity."

On the announcement of Mr. Macready's name for re-appearance it was received with three distinct rounds of applause-the foreign and absurd custom of calling before the curtain being not then in vogue. Mr. Hazlitt, who was then considered the first theatrical critic, thus speaks of him. We quote the passage, as it will serve to give our readers an insight into Macready's powers at the time:

upon the stage, did not intend his son distinguished theatrical critics profor the same profession; but he de-nounced him to be the best actor that termined to give him a first-rate edu- had appeared since J. P. Kemble; and cation, and some say, intended him for the church, but others with more truth assert that he was brought up with the intention of practising at the bar. For this end he, after having been the usual time at a private academy, was removed to Rugby school in Warwickshire, and received his education under the celebrated Dr. Arnold, an accomplished scholar and gentleman, whose early death must be regretted as a public loss. Certain circumstances (probably his father's failure, the elder Macready having become a bankrupt at the Manchester Theatre in the year 1809,) altered the determination of his after life. The law was abandoned, and before he had attained the age of 17, William Charles Macready made his debut at Birmingham in the year 1810. His success was great, and determined him upon the course he had taken; after fulfilling his engagement at Birmingham, he visited the principal towns in which his father managed, and in 1813 and 1814, performed with undiminished success at Newcastle, Dublin, and Bath, where he immediately became a great favourite. His fame preceded him to the metropolis, and he was solicited by the proprietors of Covent Garden Theatre to accept an engagement, this temptation he wisely declined. Most people have probably forgotten that Mr. Mac-favourable impression upon the audience ready, not satisfied with following his His voice is powerful in the highest defather as an actor, attempted authorship gree, and at the same time possesses great as well, and produced on May 20, 1814, harmony and modulation. His face is at Newcastle, a romantic play founded not equally calculated for the stage. on Sir Walter Scott's poem of "Rokeby," He declaims better than anybody we the principal part in which he per- have lately heard. He is accused of formed himself. We may add en passant being violent, and of wanting pathos. that another actor, Mr. George Ben-Neither of these objections is true. His nett, has produced a play from the same manner of delivering the first speeches source called "Retribution." After an engagement at Bath, overtures were made him by the managers of Drury Lane Theatre, amongst whom were Lord Byron and the Hon. Mr. Kinnaird; the theatre being governed by amateurs. This engagement was never concluded, and Mr. Macready remained in the provinces. At last on Monday, the 16th September, 1816, the rising actor had the honour of making his first appearance before a London audience at Covent Garden Theatre, as Orestes in Phillips's tragedy of "The Distressed Mother." Hazlitt and other

"A Mr. Macready appeared at Covent Garden Theatre, on Monday and Friday, in the character of Orestes, in 'The Distressed Mother,' a bad play for the display of his powers, in which, however, he succeeded in making a decidedly

of the play was admirable, and the want of increasing interest afterwards was the fault of the author rather than the actor. The fine suppressed tone in which he assented to Pyrrhus's com mand, to convey the message to Ilermione was a test of his variety of power, and brought down repeated acclamations from the house. We do not lay much stress on his mad scene, though that was very good in its kind; for mad scenes do not occur very often, and when they do, had in general better be omitted. We have not the slightest hesitation in saying, that Mr. Macready

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