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easily the solicitations of a social supe- fluence or funds he may lawfully have rior come to be regarded as commands. at his disposal for such purposes.” The In associations for purposes of industry, doctrine of “popular sovereignty” he commerce, or literature, the principle discards as a “fiction.” Political power, comes out the more strongly in pro- he contends, is equally the property portion to the complexity of the com- and gift of God," whether it be derived bination. Reflection suggests what to the governors immediately, or through experience shows, that until men are the people.” Having thus deduced agreed upon those religious subjects from that figure of speech which reprewhich now divide them, one of two sents the king as father of his people, things must be—that either only men the gravest of consequences-namely, of concurrent belief unite, or that they that he is responsible for their religious unite on some other basis than a reli-training and exercises—he proceeds to gious one. Thus, then, we may say, deal, as with“ broad facts," with anowithout giving an opinion for or against ther purely rhetorical entity, and mere the union of Church and State—that poetic influences :-“There is,” he says, the first of the grounds on which Mr. a real, and not merely supposititious, Gladstone defends that union, is at personality of nations, which entails variance with sound reasoning, and likewise its own religious responsibilicapable of easy reduction to absurdity. ties. The plainest exposition of national

It is by the misplaced employment personality is this:-That the nation of useful but delusive analogies, that fulfils the great conditions of a person so able a dialectician as Mr. Gladstone -namely, that it has unity of acting, is led to take up these indefensible and unity of suffering—with the differpositions. The paternal character of ence, that what is physically single in government is one of those mocking the one, is joint, or morally single, in images —"national personality" is the other. National influences form another. Ignoring the earliest, but much of our individual character. Nasurest, facts of history, and the visible tional rewards and punishments, wheworking of existing polities, he persists ther by direct or circuitous visitation, in representing rulers as divinely in- influence and modify the individuals vested with power, in a sense some- who form the mass. National will and what different from that in which it agency are indissolubly one, binding may be said that a man is divinely either a dissentient minority, or the endowed with understanding or wealth, subject body, in a manner that nothing government as a divine institution, not but the recognition of the doctrine of only as marriage may be said to be so, national personality can justify. Nabut as if actual dynasties, like life- tional honour, and national faith, are unions, were “made in heaven”-| words in every one's mouth. How do society as the offspring, instead of as they less imply a personality in nations the author, of the State. The ruler he than the duty towards God, for which holds bound to do whatsoever he deem- we now contend? They are strictly eth best for the people under him. He and essentially distinct from the hoaccepts the natural objection to this, nour and good faith of the individuals even in its most startling form—"Then, composing the nation. France is a if it be the duty of a Christian govern- person to us, and we to him. A wilful ment to advance Christianity, it is the injury done to her is a moral act, and duty of a Mahometan government to a moral act quite distinct from the advance Mahometanism. ... I do not acts of all the individuals composing scruple to affirm, that, if a Mahometan the nation :"-To all which it may be conscientiously believes his religion to sufficient to reply, that however the come from God, and to teach divine language of the Old Testament may truth, he must believe that truth to be justify such expressions as “national beneficial, and beneficial beyond all sins," and “national judgments,” the other things, to the soul of man; and Christian scriptures teach, in harmony he must, therefore, and ought to, desire with our own intuitions, that ultimateits extension, and to use for its exten-ly to his own master will every man sion all proper and legitimate means. stand or fall; that “the duty towards And that if such Mahometan be a God” contended for, is strictly the prince, he ought to count, among these rendering of spiritual worship; that means, the application of whatever in- " the rewards and punishments” of the

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gospel system are infinitely beyond any be free from the external control of any to which the word “national" can be living power in matters of religion, but applied; that, in short, while France not from Catholic consent. It is a and England may harmlessly and con- strange fiction to say that the English veniently personify each other, it is an Reformation was grounded on the docunreasonable and incalculably mis- trine of private judgment.” He appeals, chievous thing so to personify the moral in proof of this startling assertion, to relation to the Divine Being of any the Twentieth Article, to the Canon of number of his creatures. It is the dis- 1571, and the prelates Cranmer and tinction of Christianity from the Juda- Jewel. The historical truth of this reism which it came to supersede, and presentation, we are not concerned the Paganism which it came to over- either to deny or admit. We have only throw, that it makes no account of to point out how vital a position it must nationalities, in any other sense than necessarily hold in a man's churchman. as a congeries of human beings, indi- ship and statesmanship. With the vidually responsible and spiritually same object, we must add, that our au. equal. While the Hebrew, Greek, and thor admits there is an irreconcileable Roman writers, abound in allusions hostility between his own view of the that show they regarded even Jehovah, rule of faith, and the mildest popular or “ Jove Best and Greatest," as dif- idea thereof. He seems to limit the ferently affected towards the people of function of reason in religious matters different countries-no trace of that to a scrutiny of the general evidences sentiment can be found in the gospels of Christianity-beyond that, he lays or epistles, but much that is antagon- it down, a man “should prefer adoptistic thereto. Again, therefore, we say, ing the quod semper, quod ubique, quod without pronouncing any opinion upon ab omnibus," - the utterance of the the general question,—this division of faithful, in divers times and placesour author's argument does not exalt “to his own conclusions from the saour idea of his logical power, nor cred text." promise an adequate defence of the in- One would suppose that, in proporstitution he undertakes to defend. tion as the sphere of free inquiry is

More original, but not less lamentably narrowed, pains should be taken to inconclusive, are the arguments by preserve its inviolability. That is to which Mr. Gladstone breaks the force say,-if only concerning the outworks of his own principles; and by limiting of revelation may we freely investigate the duty of rulers to the encouragement and canvass, there should be presented of religious faith, seeks to guard the no worldly motive to influence the exercise of private judgment and the decision; while it might be proper to enjoyment of toleration. It would be reward or punish for obedience or disan easy explanation of his singularly obedience to an authority once adinconsequential propositions on these mitted. But the very opposite of this points to say, that he is too good a rule is that adopted by Mr. Gladstone. Protestant altogether to deny the great Conformity to the church of England, Protestant doctrine, and too amiable a as the purest embodiment of the man to approve the naked hideousness | Christian religion, is the one and only of downright persecution ;--but this thing which he requires the state to explanation is neither respectful nor reward--nonconformity, the summary sufficient. We prefer to regard the of offences it is called upon to punish controversial curiosity we are about to | by discouraging. He denies the right exhibit, as the legitimate offspring of of the state to persecute; not, however, an intellect more subtle than powerful, because religious freedom-the correof an understanding which partakes of lative, according to his own admission, the nature of a morbid conscience. As of religious responsibility--is the right respects the right of private judgment, of man, as man, but because it has not he explicitly denies that the church of “ pleased God to give to the state or to England ever taught “ that men were the church this power.” Then comes free to frame any religion from Scrip- the most curious feature of this curious ture which they pleased : or to form a piece of argument :-“For it was with diversity of communions... The regard to chastisement inflicted by the act of her reformation," he proceeds, sword for an insult offered to himself, “established the claim of the nation to that the Redeemer declared His king

dom not to be of this world, meaning, energies from religion, has adorned apparently, in an especial manner, that the page of history, has extended its it should be otherwise than after this renown and its dominion in every world's fashion in respect to the sanc- quarter of the globe, has harmonized tions by which its laws should be main- with a noble national character, suptained. We must refer the reader to porting and supported by it, has shelMr. Macaulay's celebrated essay for antered the thickset plants of genius and exposure of the erroneousness of this learning, and has in these last days Scriptural exegesis ; and a vivid ad rallied by gigantic efforts the energies hominem refutation of the sophism, that of Christendom against the powers and disability is not persecution ;—for the principles of national infidelity, bating small remaining portion of our space no jot of heart nor hope under repeated that can be devoted to this part of our failures, but every time renewing its subject, we will occupy with some of determination and redoubling its exthe concluding passages of the work— ertions, until the object was triumphselected as well for their impassioned antly attained. For this State we may eloquence, as for the indication they feel, and we may tremble at the very afford of deep and pious earnestness in thought of the degradation she would the writer :

undergo, should she in an evil hour “ Will it be said, “All this anxiety is repudiate her ancient strength, the very much disproportioned to the case; I principle of a national religion. We if you are sincere in your belief, that do not dream that the pupils of the there is safety within the church as an opposite school will gain their end, ark which shall float on the waters and succeed in giving a permanent and when the fountains of the great deep secure organization to human society of human Desire are broken up?' It upon the shattered and ill-restored is true that we have nothing to fear foundations which human selfishness for her, who bears a charmed life that can supply. Sooner might they pluck no weapon reaches. She pursues her the sun off his throne in heaven, and tranquil way of confession, adoration, the moon from her silver chariot. What thanksgiving, intercession, and divine man can do without God was fully communion, concentrated alike for the tried in the histories of Greece and present and the future, upon one ob- Italy, before the fulness of time was ject of regard-her Lord in heaven. come. We have there seen a largeThis of the church of Christ. And in ness and vigour of human nature such the church of England we find all the as does not appear likely to be suressential features unimpaired, which passed. But it does not comfort us declare her to be a fruit-bearing tree that those opposed to us will fail. They in the vineyard of God. The scriptures are our fellow-creatures; they are our faithfully guarded, liberally dispensed, brethren; they bear with us the sacred universally possessed and read; the name of the Redeemer, and we are ancient bulwarks of the faith, the washed, for the most part, in the same creeds, and the sound doctrine of laver of regeneration. Can we, unCatholic consent, maintained; the apo moved, see them rushing to ruin, and stolical succession transmitting, with dragging others with them, less wilful, demonstration of the Spirit, those vital but as blind? Can we see the gorgeous gifts which effectuate and assure the buildings of such an earthly Jerusalem, covenant; the pure worship; the and the doom impending, without tears? known and acknowledged fertility in Oh, that while there is yet time, castthat sacred learning which, when faith-ing away every frivolous and narrow fully used, is to the truth what the prepossession, grasping firmly and arIsraelitish arms were to the ark; and dently at the principles of the truth of the everywhere reviving and extending God, and striving to realise them in zeal, courage, love: these are the signs ourselves and in one another, we may which may well quiet apprehensions at length know the things which befor the ultimate fate of the church of long to our peace!'” England in the breast of the most. We have dwelt thus at length upon timid of her sons. But we need not this book-(of which we may further be ashamed, with all this, to feel deeply say, in a parenthesis, that in the British and anxiously for our country. For Museum Library is a copy of the first that state, which, deriving its best edition, copiously annotated by his

Royal Highness the late Duke of Sus- | friend at the head of the Government, sex; and that for the third edition, alluded towards the close of last session, which appeared in 1841, a great part of to inquiries he was about to make into the work was re-written, without, how the possibility of extending academical ever, any modification of the argument) education in Ireland, and indicated the -because it not only lies at the founda- spirit in which that important matter tion of Mr. Gladstone's reputation as a might be dealt with. I am not in posthinker and writer; and may be sup- session of the mature intentions of the posed to exhibit, if not his final con Government. In regard to the Roman victions, yet his entire capabilities; but Catholic College of Maynooth, I know because it has had a serious practical in- nothing beyond what my right honourfluence on his whole subsequent career able friend then said. But those inas a politician. It was first mentioned tentions were at variance with what I in the House of Commons, by Lord have stated as the best and most saluMorpeth (now Earl of Carlisle) and the tary principles. I therefore held it to late lamented Mr. Charles Buller, in be my duty, whenever such a measure the course of the education debates of came before the house, to apply my 1839. Its author then declared his mind to its consideration, free from all readiness, as a legislator, to stand by biassed or selfish considerations, and what he had therein written as a private with the sole view of arriving at such a individual ; and accordingly expressed conclusion as upon the whole the ina feeling akin to horror at the proposed terests of the country and the circumintermingling of Jewish and Christian stances of the case might seem to demand. children in public seminaries. In 1841, I feel it at the same time my duty dison arguments of a similar character, he tinctly to declare, that I am not preled the opposition to Mr. Divett's bill pared to take part in any religious warfor admitting Jews to municipal offices; fare against the measures of my right and drew from Mr. Macaulay the satiri- honourable friend." Whilst all adcal remark, that if the casuists of Ox- mired the exquisite conscientiousness ford would only impart some of their in- of the course thus announced, there were genuity to the Jews, they would doubt many who felt, with Mr. Plumptre, that less make any declaration required of its explanation was not very intelligible them. He returned to office with Sir —and that feeling was strengthened Robert Peel in 1841, in the double when Mr. Shiel, lamenting that “ the capacity of Master of the Mint and statesman should be sacrificed to the Vice-President of the Board of Trade. author," quoted from Mr. Gladstone's In January, 1845, he threw up that book a passage to the effect, that if the post; and, at the opening of the imperial parliament had contracted for session, accounted for so doing in a the maintenance of Maynooth, the conspeech of which the following is the tract should be fulfilled with dignified substance:-"I took upon myself some generosity. Still more inexplicable, years ago, to state to the world, and upon ordinary rules of action, was Mr. that in a form the most detailed and Gladstone's ultimate procedure. In deliberate, the views which I enter- | the debate on the first reading of the tained on the subject of the relation of Maynooth College bill, he took no part, a Christian state in its alliance with and in the division gave no vote. On a Christian church. Of all subjects the motion for the second reading, he which could be raised, this I treated in came out as a supporter of the measure. a manner the most detailed and delibe- Not, however, upon the hypothesis rerate. I have never been guilty of the called by Mr. Shiel, and urged by the folly which has been charged upon me, premier. Repudiating the reasons put of holding that there are any theories forward on either side as inadequate to which are to be regarded under all cir- their object, he defended the increase of cumstances as immutable and unal- the grant upon the ground that the terable. But I have strong conviction, Irish were too poor to provide religious speaking under ordinary circumstances, teachers for themselves—that those who and as a general rule, that those who paid taxes had a right to share in the have borne solemn testimony on great benefits of their expenditure—and that constitutional questions, ought not to to object to it on religious grounds, was be parties to material departure from to confound the principles on which men them. Now, my right honourable I should act individually with those on

which they must act in combination ;- neither a bond of union nor a badge of propositions, every one of which might separation,-but merely the symbol of be refuted, if at all, in his own printed “ the preponderance of Christians in words. Of course, such singular vacil- the constituencies;" he contends, with lation did not escape sarcastic notice.equal force of language, if not with “ It appears," said Mr. Smythe, “ as far equally satisfactory logic, that this fact as can be made out from his (Mr. Glad- must be taken, not as the results of the stone's) own statement, that his most chance triumph of party, but as organic, cherished convictions' and his votes are normal realities; must not be reasoned at issue. But about the mere vulgarity upon, but reasoned from. The conof votes, the right honourable gentleman clusion to which he labours to bring his cares little ; for upon this very question fellow-churchmen is this—“that as citihe has voted all ways. He voted first zens, and as members of the church, we against, then in favour of, the grant. should contend manfully for her own He went out of office because the grant principles and constitution, and should was to be increased. When the measure ask and press without fear for whatever involving the increased grant came to tends to her own healthy development a first reading, he did not vote at all. by her own means and resources, maNow, at the second reading, he is pre-terial or moral, but should deal amipared to vote in favour of it. And is cably and liberally with questions either any one sure—is the right honourable solely or mainly affecting the civil rights gentleman himself quite sure—that upon of other portions of the community." the third reading he will not find equally! That this recommendation was made good reasons for voting against the with understanding and earnestness is measure?" (Laughter and cheers.) amply evinced by Mr. Gladstone's sub

Equally incomprehensible, to vulgar sequent conduct as a politician and as a politicians, was Mr. Gladstone's course churchman. Thus, in conformity with upon the Jewish disabilities question. one half of his counsel, he is found Notwithstanding his opposition to Mr. resisting the issue of the Oxford UniDivett's bill in 1841, he gave his silent versity Commission, and advocating, in support to a similar measure, when pro- parliament and through the press, the posed and carried by the Government in restoration of active powers to convo1845; and in 1847, just after his election cation, the admission of laymen to for the University of Oxford, he had the synods, and the permission of synodal courage to reply to the speech with action to colonial bishops. The other which his colleague (Sir R. H. Inglis) half might seem to have been uttered in supported petitions from that venerable prophetic anticipation of the Ecclesiasbody against the admission of Jews to tical Titles Bill. As a High ChurchParliament, as proposed by the then man, and therefore jealous of the titular premier (Lord John Russell). The sub- honours of the English episcopacy-as a stance of his speech on this occasion son and representative of the University Mr. Gladstone has published, and pre- of Oxford, and therefore the natural fixed to it a preface from which we organ of clerical sentiments—he might gather clearer notions of his new posi- naturally have been expected to insist tion than from anything he has else- on the prompt and decided repression where written or said. It is briefly of what was almost universally conthis :-That whereas it is impossible to sidered as at once an insult and an enhold the state to that close alliance with croachment. And there was nothing the Christian church which is involved in his published writings—if we except in the true idea of that union, it is the sentence just quoted—to de bar him alike unjust to dissenting citizens and from acting in accordance with these cirimpolitic as regards the interests of the cumstances. On the contrary, however, church, to endeavour after that impossi- he was the ablest, and among the most bility. This proposition is developed persevering, of the small minority who with much precision of thought, and resisted the Government measure. On beauty of language. After a very forci- the seventh night of the debate on ble exhibition of the “proposition as a the second reading, he delivered a matter of fact,” that there is "no creed, speech, covering thirty-two columns of or body of truth, definite and dis- “Hansard,” which exhibits with rare tinctive," in the present parliamentary effectiveness the anomalous character profession of Christianity—that it is of the arguments by which the bill

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