resolved to appear as a singer upon the stage. His first public appearance was at games of his own institution, called juveniles; where he advanced upon the stage, tuning his instrument to his voice. A group of tribunes and centurions attended behind him; when his old governor Burrhus stood by his hopeful pupil, with indignation in his countenance, and praises on his lips. He was desirous also of becoming a poet; but he was unwilling to undergo the pain of study. Nor was he without his philosophers also; he took a pleasure in hearing their debates after supper. Furnished with such talents as these, he was resolved to make the tour of his empire, and give the most public display of his abilities. The place of his first exhibition, upon leaving Rome was Naples. The crowds there were so great, and the curiosity of the people so earnest in hearing him, that they did not perceive an earthquake that happened while he was singing. His desire of gaining the superiority over the other actors was truly ridiculous. While he continued to perform, no man was permitted to depart from the theatre upon any pretence whatsoever. Some were so fatigued with hearing him that they leaped privately from the walls, or pretended to fall into fainting fits, in order to be carried out. Vespasian, afterwards emperor, happening to fall asleep on one of these occasions, very narrowly escaped with his life. After being fatigued with the praises of his countrymen, Nero resolved upon going over into Greece, to receive new theatrical honors. There he exhibited in all the games, and obtained from the meanness of the Greeks 1800 crowns. His entry into Rome on his return was attended with more splendor than a triumph. So many honors only inflamed his desires of acquiring new; he at last began to take lessons in wrestling; willing to imitate Hercules in strength, as he had rivalled Apollo in activity. He also caused a lion of pasteboard to be made with great art, against which he undauntedly appeared in the theatre, and struck it down with a blow of his club. But his cruelties outdid all his other extravagancies, a complete list of which would exceed our limits. He often said that he had rather be hated than loved. When one said in his presence, that the world might be burned when he was dead; 'Nay,' replied Nero, let it be burnt while I am alive.' In fact, a great part of the city of Rome was burnt soon after. This remarkable conflagration took place in the eleventh year of Nero's reign. Nero, who was then at Antium, did not return to the city till he heard that the flames were advancing to his palace, which, after his arrival, was burnt down to the ground, with all the houses adjoining to it. However Nero, affecting compassion for the multitude bereft of their dwellings, laid open the field of Mars, and all the great edifices erected there by Agrippa, and even his own gardens; he likewise caused tabernacles to be reared in haste for the reception of the forlorn populace. From Ostia too, and the neighbouring cities, were brought by his orders all sorts of furniture and necessaries; and the price of corn was considerably lessened. But these bounties, however generous and popu lar, were bestowed in vain, because a report was spread abroad that, during the time of this general conflagration, he mounted his domestic stage, and sung the destruction of Troy, comparing the desolation of Rome to that of Troy. At length, on the sixth day, the fury of the flames was stopped at the foot of mount Esquiline, by levelling with the ground a vast number of buildings. But scarcely had the alarm ceased, when the fire broke out anew with fresh rage, but in places more wide and spacious; whence fewer persons were destroyed, but more temples and public porticoes were overthrown. As this second conflagration broke out in certain buildings belonging to Tigellinus, they were both ascribed to Nero; and it was supposed that, by destroying the old city, he aimed at the glory of building a new one, and calling it by his name. Of the fourteen quarters into which Rome was divided, four remained entire, three were laid in ashes, and, in the seven other, remained here and there a few houses, miserably shattered and half consumed. Among the many ancient and stately edifices, which the rage of the flames utterly consumed, Tacitus reckons the temple dedicated by Servius Tullius to the moon; the temple and great altar consecrated by Evander to Hercules; the chapel by Romulus to Jupiter Stator; the court of Numa, with the temple of Vesta, and in it the tutelar gods peculiar to the Romans. In the same fate were involved the inestimable treasures acquired by so many victories, the wonderful works of the best painters and sculptors of Greece, and, what is still more to be lamented, the ancient writings of celebrated authors, till then preserved entire. The fire began the same day on which the Gauls formerly burnt it to the ground. Upon the ruins' of the demolished city Nero founded a palace, which he called his golden house; though it was not so much admired on account of an immense profusion of gold, precious stones, and other inestimable ornaments, as for its vast extent, containing spacious fields, large wildernesses, artificial lakes, thick woods, orchards, vineyards, hills, groves, &c. The ground that was not taken up by the foundation of Nero's own palace he assigned for houses, which were not placed at random, and without order, but the streets were laid out regularly, spacious, and straight; the edifices restrained to a certain height, of abont seventy feet; the courts were widened; and to all the great houses, which stood by themselves, and were called isles, large porticoes were added, which Nero engaged to raise at his own expense, and to deliver to each proprietor the squares about them clear from all rubbish. Thus the city in a short time rose out of its ashes with new lustre, and more beautiful than ever. The emperor used every art to throw the odium of this conflagration upon the Christians, who were at that time gaining ground in Rome. Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution raised against them upon this false accusation, of which an account is given under the article HISTORY. Hitherto, however, the citizens of Rome seemed comparatively exempted from his cruelties, which chiefly fell upon strangers and his nearest connexions; but a conspiracy formed against him by Piso, a man of great power and integrity, which was prematurely discovered, opened a new train of suspicions that destroyed many of the principal families in Rome. Piso, Lateranus, Fennius Rufus, Subrius Flavius, Sulpicius Asper, Vestinus the consul, and numberless others, were all executed. But the two most remarkable personages who fell on this occasion were Seneca the philosopher, and Lucan the poet, his nephew. It is not known whether Seneca was really concerned or not. He was ordered to put himself to death, which he did, by opening his veins in a warm bath. Thus was the whole city filled with slaughter and frightful instances of treachery. No master was secure from the vengeance of his slaves, nor even parents from the baser attempts of their children. Not only throughout Rome, but the whole country round, bodies of soldiers were seen in pursuit of the suspected and the guilty. Whole crowds of wretches loaded with chains were led every day to the gates of the palace, to wait their sentence from the tyrant. He always presided at the torture in person, attended by Tigellinus, captain of the guard, who, being the most abandoned man in Rome, was become his principal minister and favorite. Nor were the Roman provinces in a better situation than the capital. The example of the tyrant influenced his governors, who gave instances of their rapacity and cruelty in every part of the empire. In the seventh year of his reign the Britons revolted, under the conduct of their queen Boadicea (see ENGLAND); but were at last so completely defeated that ever after, during the continuance of the Romans among them, they lost not only all hopes, but even all desire of freedom. A war also was carried on against the Parthians for the greatest part of this reign, conducted by Corbulo; who, after many successes, had dispossessed Tiridates, and settled Tigranes in Armenia in his room. Tiridates, however, was soon after restored by an invasion of the Parthians into that country; but, being once more opposed by Corbulo, the Romans and Parthians came to an agreement that Tiridates should continue to govern Armenia, upon condition that he should lay down his crown at the foot of the emperor's statue, and receive it as coming from him; all which he performed. This ceremony Nero desired to have repeated to his person; wherefore he invited Tiridates to Rome, granting him the most magnificent supplies for his journey. Nero attended his arrival with very sumptuous preparations. He received him seated on a throne, accompanied by the senate standing round him, and the whole army drawn out with all imaginable splendor. Tiridates ascended the throne with great reverence; and approaching the emperor, fell down at his feet, and in the most abject terms acknowledged himself his slave. Nero raised him up, telling him with equal arrogance, that he did well, and that by his submission he had gained a kingdom which his ancestors could never acquire by their arms. He then placed the crown on his head, and, after the most costly ceremonies and entertainments, he was sent back to Armenia, with incredible sums of money to defray the expenses of his return. In the twelfth year of Nero's reign the Jews revolted, having been severely oppressed by the Roman governor. Florus was arrived at that degree of tyranny that by public proclamation he gave permission to plunder the country, provided he received half the spoil. These oppressions drew such a train of calamities after them, that the sufferings of all other nations were slight in comparison to what this devoted people afterwards endured, as is related under the article JEWS. In the mean time Nero proceeded in his cruelties at Rome with unabated severity. The valiant Corbulo, who had gained so many victories over the Parthians, could not escape his fury. Nor did the empress Poppæa herself escape; whom, in a fit of anger, he kicked when she was pregnant, by which she miscarried and died. At last the Romans began to grow weary of such a monster, and there appeared a general revolution in all the provinces. The first appeared in Gaul, under Julius Vindex, who commanded the legions there, and publicly protested against the tyrannical government of Nero. He appeared to have no other motive for this revolt than that of freeing the world from an oppressor; for when it was told him that Nero had set a reward upon his head of 10,000,000 of sesterces, he made this gallant answer, "Whoever brings me Nero's head, shall, if he pleases, have mine.' But, to show that he was not actuated by motices of private ambition, he proclaimed Sergius Galba emperor, and invited him to join in the revolt. Galba, who was then governor of Spain, was equally remarkable for his wisdom in peace, and his courage in war. But, as all talents under corrupt princes are dangerous, he for some years lived in obscurity, avoiding al. opportunities of signalising his valor. He now, therefore, either through the caution attending old age, or from a total want of ambition, appeared little inclined to join with Vindex. In the mean time Nero, who had been apprised of the proceedings against him in Gaul, appeared totally regardless of the danger, flattering himself that the suppression of this revolt would give him an opportunity of fresh confiscations. But the revolt of Galba, the news of which arrived soon after, affected him in a very different manner. The reputation of that general was such that, from the moment he declared against him, Nero considered himself as undone. He resolved to massacre all the governors of provinces, to destroy all exiles, and to murder all the Gauls in Rome, as a punishment for the treachery of their countrymen. In short, in the wildness of his rage, he thought of poisoning the whole senate, of burning the city, and turning the lions kept for the purposes of the theatre out upon the people. These designs being impracticable, he resolved at last to face the danger in person. But his very preparations served to mark the infatuation of his mind. His principal care was to provide waggons for the convenient carriage of his musical instruments; and to dress out his concubines like Amazons, with whom he intended to face the enemy. While Nero was thus frivolously employed, the revolt became general. Not only the armies in Spain and Gaul, but also the legions in Germany, Africa, and Lusitania, declared against him. Virginius Rufus alone, who commanded an army on the Upper Rhine, for a while continued in suspense; during which his forces, without his permission, falling upon the Gauls, routed them with great slaughter, and Vindex slew himself. But this ill success no way advanced the interests of Nero; he was so detested by the whole empire that he could find none of the armies faithful to him. He therefore called for Locusta to furnish him with poison; and, thus prepared for the worst, he retired to the Servilian gardens, with a resolution of flying into Egypt. He accordingly despatched the freedmen in whom he had the most confidence, to prepare a fleet at Ostia; and in the mean while sounded, in person, the tribunes and centurions of the guard, to know if they were willing to share his fortunes. But they all excused themselves under divers pretexts. Thus destitute of every resource, all the expedients that cowardice, revenge or terror could produce, took place in his mind by turns. He at one time resolved to take refuge among the Parthians; at another, to deliver himself up to the mercy of the insurgents; one while he determined to mount the rostrum, to ask pardon for what was past, and to conclude with promises of amendment tor the future. With these gloomy deliberations he went to bed; but waking about midnight, he was surprised to find his guards had left him. The praetorian soldiers, in fact, having been corrupted by their commander, had retired to their camp, and proclaimed Galba emperor. Nero immediately sent for his friends to deliberate upon his present exigence; but his friends also forsook him. He went from house to house, but all the doors were shut against him, and none were found to answer his enquiries; his very domestics followed the general defection; and, having plundered his apartment, escaped different ways. Being now reduced to desperation, he desired that one of his favorite gladiators might come and despatch him; but even in this request there was none found to obey. Alas!' cried he, have I neither friend nor enemy?' And then, running desperately forth, he seemed resolved to plunge headlong into the Tiber. But just then, his courage failing him, he made a sudden stop, as if willing to recollect his reason; and asked for some secret place, where he might reassume his courage, and meet death with becoming fortitude. In this distress, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered him his country house, about four miles distant, where he might for some time remain concealed. Nero accepted his offer; and arrived with difficulty in safety. During this interval the senate, finding the prætorian guards had taken part with Galba, declared him emperor, and condemned Nero to die more majorum; that is, to be stripped naked, his head fixed in a pillory, and in that posture to be scourged to death. Nero was so terrified on hearing this, that he set a dagger to his throat, with which, by the assist-. ance of Epaphroditus, his freed man and secretary, he gave himself a mortal wound. He expired in the thirty-second year of his age and the fourteenth of his reign. See NERO. GALBA.-Galba was seventy-two years old when he was declared emperor, and was then in Spain with his legions. However, he soon found that his being raised to the throne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. Ilis first embarrassment arose from a disorder in his own army; for, upon his approaching the camp, one of the wings of horse repenting of their choice, prepared to revolt, and he found it no easy matter to reconcile them to their duty. He also narrowly escaped assassination from some slaves, who were presented to him by one of Nero's freedmen with that intent. The death of Vindex also served to add to his disquietudes. But hearing from Rome that Nero was dead, and the empire transferred to him, he immediately assumed the title and ensigns of command. In his journey towards Rome, he was met by Virginius Rufus, who, finding the senate had decreed him the government, came to yield him obedience. This general had more than once refused the empire himself, which was offered him by his soldiers; alleging that the senate alone had the disposal of it, and from them only he would accept the honor. Galba, having been brought to the empire by his army, was at the same time desirous to suppress their power to commit any future disturbance. His first approach to Rome was attended with one of those rigorous strokes of justice which ought rather to be denominated cruelty than any thing else. A body of mariners, whom Nero had taken from the oar and enlisted among the legions, went to meet Galba three miles from the city, and with loud importunities demanded a confirmation of what his predecessor had done in their favor. Galba, who was rigidly attached to the ancient discipline, deferred their request to another time. But they, considering this delay as equivalent to an absolute denial, insisted in a very disrespectful manner; and some of them even had recourse to arms, whereupon Galba ordered a body of horse attending him to ride in among them, and thus killed 7000 of them; and afterwards ordered them to be decimated. next step to curb the insolence of the soldiers was his discharging the German cohort, which had been established by the former emperors as a guard to their persons. These he sent home to their own country unrewarded, pretending they were disaffected to his person. He seemed to have two other objects also in view; namely, to punish those vices which had come to an enormous height in the last reign with the strictest severity; and to replenish the exchequer, which had been quite drained by the prodigality of his predecessors. But these attempts only brought on him the imputation of severity and avarice; for the state was too much corrupted to admit of such an immediate transition from vice to virtue, The people had long been maintained in sloth and luxury by the prodigality of the former emperors, and could not think of being obliged to seek for new means of subsistence, and to retrench their superfluities. They began, therefore, to satirise the old man, and turn the simplicity of his manners into ridicule. By ill-judged frugalities, at such a time, Galba began to lose his popularity; and he, who before his accession was esteemed by all, when become emperor, was considered with contempt. Shortly after his coming to Rome, the people were presented with a most grateful spectacle, which was that of Lo His custa, Ælius, Policletus, Petronius, and Petinus, all bloody ministers of Nero's cruelty, drawn in fetters through the city, and publicly executed. But Tigellinus, who had been more active than all the rest, was not there. The crafty villain had taken care for his own safety, by the largeness of his bribes; and, though the people cried out for vengeance against him at the theatre and at the circus, yet the emperor granted him his life and pardon. Helotus, the eunuch, also, who had been the instrument of poisoning Claudius, escaped, and owed his safety to the proper application of his wealth. Thus, by the inequality of his conduct, he became despicable. At one time showing himself severe and frugal, at another remiss and prodigal; condemning some illustrious persons without any hearing, and pardoning others though guilty in short, nothing was done but by the mediation of his favorites; all offices were venal, and all punishments redeemable by money. While affairs were in this unsettled posture at Rome, the provinces were yet in a worse condition. The success of the armies in Spain in choosing an emperor induced the legions in the other parts to wish for a similar opportunity. Many seditions were kindled and factions promoted in different parts of the empire, particularly in Germany. There were then in that province two Roman armies; the one had lately attempted to make Virginius Rufus emperor, and was commanded by his lieutenant; the other was commanded by Vitellius, who long had an ambition to obtain the empire for himself. The former of these armies, despising their present general, and considering themselves as suspected by the emperor for having been the last to acknowledge his title, resolved now to be foremost in denying it. Accordingly, when they were summoned to take the oaths of homage and fidelity, they refused to acknowledge any other commands but those of the senate. This refusal they backed by a message of the prætorian bands, importing that they were resolved not to acquiesce in the election of an emperor created in Spain, and desiring that the senate should proceed to a new choice. Galba, being informed of this commotion, was sensible, that, besides his age, he was less respected for want of an heir. He resolved, therefore, to put what he had formerly designed in execution, and to adopt some person whose virtues might deserve such advancement, and protect his declining age from danger. His favorites, understanding his determination, instantly resolved to give him an heir of their own choosing; so that there arose a great contention among them upon this occasion. Otho made warm application for himself; alleging the great services he had done the emperor, as being the first man of note who came to his assistance when he had deciared against Nero. However, Galba, being fully resolved to consult the public good alone, rejected his suit; and, on a day appointed, ordered Piso Lucinianus to attend him. The character given by historians of Piso, is, that he was every way worthy of the honor designed him. He was no way related to Galba; and had no other interest but merit to recommend him to his favor. Taking this youth, therefore, by the hand, in the presence of his friends, he adopted him to succeed in the empire, giving him the most wholesome lessons for guiding his future conduct. Piso's conduct showed that he was highly deserving this distinction; and in all his deportment there appeared such modesty, firmness, and equality of mind, as bespoke him rather capable of discharging than ambitious of obtaining the imperial dignity. But the army and the senate did not seem equally disinterested upon this occasion; they had been so long used to bribery and corruption that they could now bear no emperor who was not in a capacity of satisfying their avarice. The adoption therefore of Piso was but coldly received; for his virtues were no recommendation in a nation of universal depravity. Otho now finding his hopes of adoption wholly frustrated, and still further stimulated by the immense load of debt which he had contracted by his riotous way of living, resolved upon obtaining the empire by force, since he could not by peaceable succession. In fact his circumstances were so very desperate that he was heard to say, that it was equal to him whether he fell by his enemies in the field, or by his creditors in the city. He therefore raised a moderate sum of money, by selling his interest to a person who wanted a place; and with this bribed two subaltern officers in the prætorian bands, supplying the deficiency of largesses by promises and plausible pretences. Having thus, in less than eight days, corrupted the fidelity of the soldiers, he stole secretly from the emperor while he was sacrificing; and, assembling the soldiers, in a short speech urged the cruelties and avarice of Galba. Finding these his invectives received with universal shouts by the whole army, he threw off the mask, and avowed his intentions of dethroning him. The soldiers, ripe for sedition, immediately seconded his views: taking Otho upon their shoulders, they instan ly proclaimed him emperor; and, to strike the citizens with terror, carried him with their swords drawn into the camp. Galba, in the mean time, being informed of the revolt of the army, seemed utterly confounded, and in want of resolution to face an event which he should have long foreseen. In this manner the poor old man continued wavering and doubtful; till at last, being deluded by a false report of Otho's being slain, he rode into the forum in complete armour, attended by many of his followers. Just at the same instant a body of horse sent from the camp to destroy him entered on the opposite side, and each party prepared for the encounter. For some time hostilities were suspended on each side; Galba confused and irresolute, and his antagonists struck with horror at the baseness of their enterprise. At length, finding the emperor in some measure deserted by his adherents, they rushed in upon him, trampling under foot the crowds of people that then filled the forum. Galba, seeing them approach, seemed to recollect all his former fortitude; and, bending his head forward, bid the assassins strike it off if it were for the good of the people. This was quickly performed; and his head, being set upon the point of a lance, was presented to Otho, who ordered it to be contemptuously carried round the camp; his body remaining exposed in the streets till it was buried by one of his slaves. He died in the seventy-third year of his age, after a short reign of seven months. OTHо.-No sooner was Galba thus murdered than the senate and people ran in crowds to the camp, contending who should be foremost in extolling the virtues of the new emperor, and depressing the character of him they had so unjustly destroyed. Each labored to excel the rest in his instances of homage; and the less his affections were for him, the more did he indulge all the vehemence of exaggerated praise. Otho, finding himself surrounded by congratulating multitudes, immediately repaired to the senate, where he received the titles usually given to the emperors; and thence returned to the palace, seemingly resolved to reform his life, and assume manners becoming the greatness of his station. He began his reign by a signal instance of clemency, in pardoning Marius Celsus, who had been highly favored by Galba; and, not contented with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the highest honors; asserting that fidelity deserved every reward.' This act of clemency was followed by another of justice, equally agreeable to the people. Tigellinus, Nero's favorite, he who had been the promoter of all his cruelties, was now put to death; and all such as had been unjustly banished, or stripped, at his instigation, during Nero's reign, were restored to their country and fortunes. In the mean time the legions in Lower Germany, having been purchased by the large gifts and specious promises of Vitellius their general, were at length induced to proclaim him emperor; and, regardless of the senate, declared that they had an equal right to appoint to that high station with the cohorts at Rome. The news of this conduct in the army soon spread consternation throughout Rome; but Otho was particularly struck with the account, as being apprehensive that nothing but the blood of his countrymen could decide a contest of which his own ambition only was the cause. He now therefore sought to come to an agreement with Vitellius; but, this not succeeding, both sides began their preparations for war. News being received that Vitellius was upon his march to Italy, Otho departed from Rome with a vast army to oppose him. But, though he was very powerful with regard to numbers, his men, being little used to war, could not be relied on. He seemed by his behaviour sensible of the disproportion of his forces; and he is said to have been tortured with frightful dreams, and the most uneasy apprehensions. It is also reported that one night, fetching many profound sighs in his sleep, his servants ran hastily to his bed side, and found him stretched on the ground. He alleged he had seen the ghost of Galba, which had, in a threatening manner, beat and pushed him from his bed; and he afterwards used many expiations to appease it. However this be, he proceeded with a great show of courage till he arrived at the city of Brixellum, on the Po, where he remained, sending his forces before him under his generals Suetonius and Celsus, who made what haste they could to give the enemy battle. The army of Vitellius, which consisted of 70,000 men, was commanded by his generals Valens and Cecina, he himself remaining in Gaul in order to bring up the rest of his forces. Thus both sides hastened to meet each other with so much animosity and precipitation that three considerable battles were fought in three days: one near Placentia, another near Cremona, and a third at a place called Castor; in all which Otho had the advantage. But these successes were but short lived; for Valens and Cecina, who had hitherto acted separately, joining their forces, and reinforcing their armies with fresh supplies, resolved to come to a general engage ment. Otho, who by this time had joined his army at a little village called Bedriacum, finding the enemy, notwithstanding their late losses, inclined to come to a battle, resolved to call a council of war to determine upon the proper measures to be taken. His generals were of opinion to protract the war; but others, whose inexperience had given them confidence, declared that nothing but a battle could relieve the miseries of the state; protesting, that fortune and all the gods with the divinity of the emperor himself, favored the design, and would undoubtedly prosper the enterprise. In this advice Otho acquiesced; he had been for some time so uneasy under the war that he seemed willing to exchange suspense for danger. However, he was so surrounded with flatterers that he was prohibited from being personally present in the engagement, but prevailed upon to reserve himself for the fortune of the empire, and wait the event at Brixellum. The affairs of both armies being thus adjusted, they came to an engagement at Bedriacum; where, in the beginning, those on the side of Otho seemed to have the advantage. At length the superior discipline of the legions of Vitellius turned the scale of victory. Otho's army fled in great confusion towards Bedriacum, being pursued with a miserable slaugh ter all the way. In the mean time Otho waited for the news of the battle with great impatience, and seemed to tax his messengers with delay. The first account of his defeat was brought him by a soldier, who had escaped from the field of battle. However Otho, who was still surrounded by flatterers, was desired to give no credit to a base fugitive, who was guilty of falsehood only to cover his own cowardice. The soldier, however, still persisted in the veracity of his report; and, finding none inclined to believe him, immediately fell upon his sword, and expired at the emperor's feet. Otho was so much struck with the death of this man, that he cried out, that he would cause the ruin of no more such valiant and worthy soldiers, but would end the contest the shortest way; and therefore, having exhorted his followers to submit to Vitellius, he put an end to his own life. VITELLIUS. It was no sooner known that Otho had killed himself than all the soldiers repaired to Virginius, the commander of the German legions, earnestly entreating him to take upon him the reins of government; or at least intreating his mediation with the generals of Vitellius in their favor. Upon his declining their request, Rubrius Gallus, a person of considerable note, undertook their embassy to the gene |