I gyf thame to the Devyll of hell I wyll nocht say, that it was treassoun ; I pray God, let me never see ryng In to this realme, so young ane Kyng.'* Wolsey naturally enough was delighted at the arrest of the Bishops, and counselled Norfolk that on no account were they to be released, for the displeasure done unto theym shal alwaies remayne imprinted and incorporate in thair hertes, whiche they shall studye by oon waye or other to revenge, whatsoever demonstracion they shal make to the contrary.' The victory would only be complete, when he got Betoun into his own power. He suggested to Margaret and to Norfolk that he should be sent to Berwick. He had, however, over-reached himself. If there was anything which Margaret could not accomplish for him, it was the extradition of the Archbishop. In a postscript to a letter written by Norfolk to Wolsey, there are the following significant words: Came hither my servant Hals, and hath shewed me, that the Quene doth saye that in no wise she dare send the said Bishops to Berwick; for she asking the opinion of all the Lordes thereof, they answered presisely they would never consent that any Scottishman shuld be sent into England for offence doon to their sovereign lord; and bad my servaunt take it for a resolute answer, she wold not send theym, for if she shuld, all Scotland wold grudge against her.'§ The Scots showed how strongly they resented the exile of Betoun at a foreigner's request. Mr. Hill Burton points out that the greatest charge against Albany had been that he had Angus carried off into France by means of French agents. The idea of an embassy again occurs to Wolsey as feasible. He will try to get the Archbishop into the realm, 'not to be kept in captivitie and prisoner, but deteyned for a season till the yong King shalbe better corroborate in his estate, and good waies found for the allecting and drawing of him to take surely * Complaynt to the Kyng, 11. 127-154. + S. P. (Scot.), IV., p. 121, 2nd Sept., 1524. Ibid., pp. 126 and 141. § Ibid., p. 147, 19th Sept., 1524. the said Kingis part."* Money for the Queen and others is not to be wanting to make the scheme a success. At this period Scottish affairs occupied almost the entire attention of Wolsey. He has left an incredible quantity of papers on the relations between England and Scotland, and amply justifies the remark of the biographer Fiddes about the uncommon quality in the Cardinal-his long and seemingly elaborate dispatches.'‡ Pinkerton, before the days of Mr. Brewer, was astonished at the mass of papers belonging to this period, preserved in the Cottonian Library.§ Wolsey had now two spies at Edinburgh, Magnus and Radclyff. The history of their mission to the North is curious. The original intention had been, that they should wait on the Borders till the Scottish embassy had passed south, so that they might go, not as ambassadors, but as mere agents or messengers. It is not absurd to construe this as a scheme for establishing some precedent about the dignities of the respective representatives. Probably some understood the deep game of the Cardinal, for, most unaccountably, the Scottish embassy was delayed. Magnus and Radclyff, wearied of their loitering on the Borders, set out for the Scottish capital. They were well received, and were no doubt better pleased, than Wolsey would be, with the title of Ambassadors from England,' which they saw on every dispatch, and heard at every interview. Meantime Betoun had been set at liberty, probably on account of his weak health, and partly, as Magnus writes, because the Earl of Arran had made 'speciall sute for hym, in suche maner that, if the Queen had not consented thereunto, the saide Archebusshop shulde have been delivrede contrarye her mynde and therefore Her Grace saide better it was to agree to his putting at libertie.'¶ Magnus had Ibid., p. 181, Oct., 1524. + Ibid., p. 194, 24th Oct., 1524, &c. § The opulence of original correspondence for these two years surprizes and embarrasses an historian.' 1524. A continuall sekeleeve man.' See S. P. (Scot.) p. 212. 2nd Nov., ¶ Ibid. several interviews with Betoun, and seemed rather pleased with his hospitality and good intentions, though he was forced to conclude, as Dacre, Norfolk, and Margaret had done on previous occasions, that he dare not give unto hym firme credence.'* An event happening shortly afterwards tended to shroud the conduct of the Chancellor in greater mystery. Two galleys with a French embassy on board arrived from France, but instead of sailing up the Firth towards Edinburgh, as Magnus imagined they would, and was firmly convinced they should, they steered direct for the Castle of St. Andrews, and cast anchor in the bay.† Magnus alarmed at the prospect of French intrigue being renewed at the Archbishop's palace, wrote demanding an explanation. Betoun's reply is so interesting and quaint, that it may be quoted: 'My lord, I wald have bene rycht glaid of zour heir being with me in Sanctandrois yis tyme of Zoile, and suld have tretit zow ye best I culd, bot I accept wele zour resonabill excuse. Ye sall understand the Frenche men arryvit at Dunbar before Zoile in company with my cusing of Arbrotht, convoyit in two gallyonis as I understand, to bryng furnising to ye house of Dunber and sure conducting of my said cousing, and causit him to cum to me. . . . And as for the Frenchemennis being heir in Sainctandrois ze sall understand that ane part of thame come yis last Sainct Stephanis Day, and uyeris sen syne; I nevir knawand of thair cuming, unto ye tyme thai knokit at ye zet (I beand at my dener) in company with ye remanent of my Lordis being in this toune for the tyme; and leit yame in, and tretit yame as accordit, because they had writingis furth of France to me and uyeris my Lordis being heir. Bot yai war generall, and of auld datis.'§ Wolsey was apprised of this strange procedure,|| and Margaret wrote to Henry VIII, accusing Betoun of working contrare ye will of ye Kyng,' and concluding with an earnest request to Henry to look substanciouslie apoune' the matter.¶ Something further occurred which helped to strengthen the *Ibid., pp. 236-7. 10th Nov., 1524. 6 + David Betoun, his nephew, (Ambassador from Scotland to France) was on board. Vide succeeding letter. Magnus had been invited by Betoun. § S. P. (Scot.) IV., p. 282. 29th Dec., 1524. || Ibid., pp. 286-7. 9th Jan., 1525. ¶ Ibid., p. 295. Jan. 23-24, 1525. French influence more than all the scheming of the two Betouns and the Lords at St. Andrews. News arrived of the disastrous defeat and the capture of Francis; and deep sympathy for the ally in adversity was aroused. As Scotland had rejoiced with France at her victory at Marignano ten years before, so now she felt the defeat at Pavia almost as keenly as if she had been involved in the catastrophe. Poor Magnus and Radclyff had either been too officious in their duties, or the Edinburgh folks had got tired of them, for they sent a doleful despatch to Wolsey wishing to be recalled. They had been blamed for raising storms and bad weather, and Magnus thus tells the sad tale :- I, nor my servauntes, couthe nor mought passe of late in the stretes, naither to nor from the Courte, but openly many women banned, cursed, waried, and gave me and myne the mooste grevous maledictions that couth be to our faces.* This popular attitude, and the crisis in French politics, seriously affected the attempts at an accommodation, and a treaty was only concluded in 1528. Angus, the hated husband of Margaret,† had arrived in Scotland shortly after the coming of Magnus and Radclyff. The King had then reached the age of 14, and was no longer a 'minor pupil': guardians had therefore to be chosen. The nobles selected were Argyle, Errol, and Angus. It was agreed that each should be chief-counsellor in turn, and that the first term of office should be held by the Douglas. He like many other worthies of history, refused to surrender the power which he had thus obtained. Betoun at first supported the triumvirate, but he soon found it necessary to disavow participation in the selfish aims of Angus. The King too chafed under his restraint, and sent for Betoun, who recommended him to send for the Earl of Lennox. The strain grew daily, till it developed into war. 'Before the enemy shall take thee from us,' was the savage speech of the Douglas to the young King, if thy body shall be torn in pieces, we shall have a part.' Lennox fell at Kirkliston. Douglas, after a stout resistance in S. P. (Scot.) IV., p. 406. 25th Sept., 1525. + Margaret obtained from Betoun a decree of divorce, 1528. Tantallon, was obliged to flee; but before he had retreated he had punished the diffidence of the Chancellor by sacking his palace at St. Andrews. Betoun escaped with difficulty and wandered about Boigromuir* in the disguise of a shepherd. 'His heych prudence prevalit hym nocht ane myte, That tyme the courte bair hym sic mortall feid: And sum tyme wyst not quhare to hyde his heid,' During the ascendancy of Angus the attitude of Betoun towards England had to all appearance changed. In 1525 he was party to a letter sent to Henry craving his assistance in their good endeavours for the young King. Magnus continued his audiences, and the old bribe of promotion was again brought forward. Wolsey is informed that it is right Betoun should be indebted for his hat to England. Shortly after Angus's coup d'état, he was brought back to Court, Angus having been bribed: and later we discover the castle rebuilt and refurnished, and see the King and the Douglases spending Easter there with the old prelate. On the overthrow of Angus, the power of the King was exerted with greater vigour than before in the interests of law and order.¶ Douglas had drawn much of his strength from the border 'reifers,' the wild and restless clans of Armstrong and Graeme, whom the recent international squabbles had made supreme in the Debateable Land. The most striking event of the new centralising policy of the Crown, on behalf of which Betoun's influence was The name is variously given, e.g., Balgrumo. + Lyndsay. Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo, ll., 556-562. S. P. (Scot.), p. 312-4. Jan. 26, 1525. Cf. Articles between Wolsey and Angus, 4th Oct., 1524 (S. P. Scot., p. 159); and Angus's agreement with Wolsey to support the English interest, 12th Oct., 1525. || Ibid., p. 442, Jan. 24th 1526. ¶ Cf. Strena ad Jacobum V. Scotorum Regem de suscepto Regni Regimine, 1528. Edinb. Bann. Club Miscell. Closing lines -Interea Jovis ipse puer placidissima regni Sceptra gerens populo dat bona Jura suo. |