served on a man of the name of - threatening him with the fate of another who was murdered in daylight, if he did not withdraw his cattle from the farm of a man who had been marked. (5833-4.) In Stradbally, after such a notice to a voter, a witness observes, “He remained some days after giving his vote, and no single person entered his shop." (4856.) At Clonmel, a man was obliged to remove his name from the door (as all custom had left him), "that people might not know he resided there." (5269.) But the strongest case, and the best illustration of the system of the priests, is that of a man who was offered as a witness to the Committee, being then in London on his way to America. It appeared that, because this man had presumed, some time before, to vote contrary to his priest's wish, he was marked, stripped of his business, excluded from work, and obliged, in utter destitution, to flee from his country. (5203.)'

Lest this should prove inadequate, ministers of Christ in Ireland have recourse to still more stringent suggestions :

'Father O'Sullivan said "that those who voted for the Knight of Kerry deserved to be pelted as they went along." (11990.) Cashel the priest M'Donnell held stations at the houses of those who were opposed to Mr. Perrin-" said he kept a list of all who would vote against them, which should lie on his chimney-piece, open for public inspection; and in one of his speeches he said, that any one who would vote for Pennefather, would be guilty of the blood of those who died at Rathcormac," &c. (5451.) One priest in Tipperary said, "he saw no difference between the head of a fox and the head of a foxhunter; in consequence of which the gentlemen of the hunt were pelted -they were not allowed to go through the country." (5533.) At Trim, the parish priest addressed the people in the chapel, advised them to go round all the freeholders in immense numbers, coerce them to vote, and, if they would not, mark their doors with blood. (5806.) In Meath a priest recommended them to get a coffin, and put four persons under the pall, to represent the Conservatives, and then throw the coffin into the Boyne. (5845.) On the hustings in Carlow in June, Father Maher addressed the people thus-and we have this on his own testimony before the Committee: "All who vote at the election, of the Roman Catholic religion, shall vote for Wallace and Blackney. We will take our stand here daily, in our capacity as priests, and we will know the name of the man who will vote against us, we will watch the recreant till he goes to the grave. Yes, upon the Catholic slave we will set a mark, who will vote against God and his country." (p. 595.) In Carlow chapel a witness tells us, he heard Priest O'Connel, the parish priest, tell the people on a Sunday," that, as they were seeking for their rights, they could not do better than employ themselves in hunting the freeholders on that day"—and they went round in large bodies to the freeholders' houses. (11084.) If any one would more clearly understand the character of the priests' addresses, we refer him to that of Father Kehoe, from the altar of his chapel, at Leighlin-bridge on Sunday 14th June. He held out a man, Pat. Neil, to the abhorrence of his people, for voting for Col. Bruen-called him by every abusive

name,

name, wretch, miscreant, ruffian, lickspittle!-denounced the police, and said, if they came there he should mark them-told the people that "all was in their power; denounced the landlords as tyrants and bloody despots! and said their lands should soon be resumed, retaken from them that they were anxious to wade in human blood, and to bring the daughters of the people to prostitution, and their sons to beggary! told the people to be true to their religion, their country, and their God! that they had put an end to tithes, and soon would to the land-tax too; that he would strike fear and terror into the hearts of the Conservatives :I hope it will not be necessary to draw the sword, the very sight of the scabbard will be enough to terrify them; but if they gain this election as they did the last, more blood will flow than there is water in the river Barrow." (11315.)

But lest even such suggestions should be insufficient, the same highly-educated' ministers of the gospel advance still farther:

In New Ross, Father Barry, parish priest, put himself at the head of a large mob, armed with bludgeons, who went round in the night to compel the voters to join them (4310), and scoured the neighbourhood of Cushingstown and the Barony of Shelburne. How they proceeded, we have an instance from the sworn testimony of Michael Kenaught, farmer, to whose door they came, called to him to get up, and go with them, and threatened to break in his door; but his door proving too strong for them, they moved off. He went next day to Wexford, to vote for the Conservatives, but was forcibly driven back by a riotous mob," and could not give his vote. (4312.) Instances of twenty-two parish priests in the County Kerry are given, who put themselves at the head of mobs, paraded the town and roads, with threats and clamour, entered houses, dragged out voters, pursued them, when they fled, from house to house, and instigated the mob to acts of violence-led up the voters to the poll, stood in the booths and dragged up unwilling freeholders. (p. 2812.) At Clonmel, a Roman Catholic tradesman was visited by the parish priest at the head of a large mob. The priest insisted upon his going with him-he refused-the mob then became abusive-the priest encouraged them, saying, "that's right, boys." "In the evening another mob came, and wanted to force the gates to get the man out, but he had a gun and kept them off." (5496.) In Tipperary the priests went at the head of large mobs, round different houses, with crucifixes in their hands, and forced the electors to the booths. (5496.) Three priests came at night to one man to induce him to vote for Mr. Ronayne. He refused; but, after giving his vote, the mob became so furious, that he was obliged to remain in the courthouse till night, and said "he should leave town next morning before daylight." (5499.) A miller was visited by a friar, and terrified into voting for Mr. Ronayne. (5521.) Another was collared by a priest, who attempted to drag him out. His employer interfered with a pistol, and drove off the priest; but the next day several priests came and dragged him to the poll. (5525.) In Kerry, above twenty priests, says a witness most friendly to them, stood in the booths, and took charge of the freeholders. (7924.) But the most curious case, which we give on the evidence of the priest's gardener, James Byrne, was that of Father

Kehoe,

Kehoe, priest of Leighlin-bridge, county Carlow, who, last June, drove round several parishes with men who acted under his orders, and forced no less than forty voters into gigs and carts-drove them to his house on Sunday and Monday, and kept them in durance there till Wednesday, when they were conveyed to Carlow. These men "wished to get away,'

were very uneasy,"-and the threat which terrified them was, that they would be held out as marked-separated from the church,' and published from the altar; and then, says the witness, "they would have their houses burnt at night." (pp. 465-9.)

There was scarce any part of county Kerry-says a witness friendly to the priests (12187)-in which the priests did not take an active part, telling the freeholders that to vote for the knight of Kerry would be to vote against their religion (p. 686); terrifying them by threats to break their pledges; holding them up, if they resisted, as perjured apostates; letting loose mobs upon them; marking them out by going to their houses; forbidding all dealing with them (11782); collecting the freeholders, marching at their head, and conducting them to the poll (p. 687); employing their agents to put up the emblems of death over their doors (11708):-so that well might Lord Kenmare, a Roman Catholic, write to his agent (11720): "We are now arrived at a point beyond which forbearance is no longer possible. The question at issue is, whether we are to bow our heads to a system of insolent dictation and intimidation; whether those freeholders who will not submit to be used as puppets by Mr. O'Connell are to be pointed at as objects of insult and assassination; when the mob in Tralee is told that those who will not vote as he dictates are to be dragged from the hustings, and trampled under foot." A witness says "that he could not trust the friendly voters without protection, in consequence of the frightful intimidation of the priests." (12114.)

The enslaved people, as might be anticipated, are not slow in receiving these hints, and executing them as desired.

'At Caherciveen they turned out, and refused to allow any of Mr. Fitzgerald's voters to go up to Tralee. "One who attempted it was severely beaten; others were told their coffins would be ready for them. None dare vote from terror of their lives." (4586.) This is taken from a sworn deposition. Carroll, who voted for the Knight, had one of his houses burnt down. (4605.) Many were beaten, but did not prosecute, lest a worse thing should befal them. (4623.) Various injuries on property were inflicted. (4640.) Two tenants said, "That if they voted against the priests' wishes, they were in danger of being murdered by night." (4701.) To a respectable Roman Catholic in another parish, a notice, with a coffin and a man's head, was served, telling him, if he voted for Coote and Vesey, his life would be the forfeit; (4850;) and Mr. Singleton said, if he had not lived in a town, that this man dared not to have voted. One of Sir Charles Coote's tenants was returning from Ballyfin House to his own, when he was knocked down by two armed men, beat, and his head cut in five places. (4874.) If a man is neutral, he equally suffers. In one chapel a voter's son was hooted and kicked out, because his father did not vote for Lalor and Cassidy. "The Roman Catholic

suffers

suffers even more severely than the Protestant." (4912.) A Roman Catholic, who voted for Coote and Vesey, actually "willed away all his property in order to save his life," endangered by his vote. (5095.) Another, a pensioner, was assaulted, and had his ribs broken. Another, a nailer, was attacked several times, and his shop ransacked. (5272.) In a word, as Mr. Fitzgerald sums up the case, no man could vote contrary to the priest without danger to his person and property. Mr. Wilcock says, "I have no hesitation in saying, that the Cashel election was carried by the priests; and had it not been for the presence of the military and police, no one at Clonmel could have voted." (5525 and -41.) At Trim, houses were attacked. At Navan, several freeholders had figures of death's heads and cross bones painted in black on their door. (5817.) Near Kells, notices were served threatening them with murder. (5833.) In Trim, thousands of Catholics assembled to destroy the Protestants; and were only prevented by Mr. Despard and a large force. (5860.) In Slane, the houses of many Protestants were attacked. (5879.) At Navan attacks were made on the Protestants. (5888.) In Meath, says Mr. Despard, no one voting for the Protestant candidate can do so without danger. (5975.) The same witness refers the violence to the intimidation of the priests. (5978.) In Carlow, many of the tenantry were taken by force; and a large party of men came from the county of Wexford who seized on them, and took them away." (11077.) Another had a letter sent him to say, "that if he voted for Kavanagh and Bruen, his life would be endangered." (11132). The Rev. Mr. Phelan delivered, in the chapel at Bagnalstown, a sermon, such as those which have been quoted; in consequence, this practical execution of his threats followed. Mr. Malcomson, a respectable apothecary in Bagnalstown, on returning from the house of Mr. Hogg, "was knocked down by three men-a pistol placed to his head-the trigger pulled-but it missed fire; and they were proceeding to murder him when the noise of a car prevented them. They then took and threw him into the river." A proclamation, offering a reward, was issued. Q. Any notice from Mr. Phelan, condemning this atrocity? A. None. (p. 639.) Violence pursued the voters everywhere. "John Dowling, a respectable Roman Catholic, came up to the table at Carlow to vote. One of Mr. Vigors' friends laid hold of him by the skirt of the coat, and was going to pull him off the table. It was dusk in the evening-a simultaneous rush took place -bludgeons and sticks were raised," and the riot was only quelled by the police. (11164.) Another freeholder was proceeding to the court. house with another man; "they were met by a large party, knocked down, and dreadfully beaten. They took refuge in a grocer's shop; out of that the mob ordered them to be brought; immediately they were thrust into the street, and were again knocked down. Á Mr. Dyer drew a sword, and rushed into the street, and saved them. I saw them a few minutes afterwards; they were so beaten that not a feature of their faces could be identified." "For three days at Carlow no one not of the Catholic interest could appear in the streets without being knocked down. The dragoons could not prevent them. I saw many knocked

down

down under the feet of the horses." (11352.) Respectable men could not venture out. One, for five days, dared not approach his office.' (p. 661-2.)

In the following passage of Mr. Colquhoun's summary we are enabled to trace the ulterior fate of various victims:

In county Wexford the terrors on the part of the freeholders were extreme, of what they should suffer after the election (p. 251). In Queen's County men were afraid to return to their houses (4845). Women related to the voters dared not go to the chapel; and when asked to sign their deposition stating this before a magistrate, they refused, saying that if they did so, "they dared not go out of their houses." (4861.) Men were visited in their houses and stabbed, because they had refused to vote for the priest. (Cases in Queen's County, 4871.) Others who voted were attacked and beaten in fairs and markets; and this was a common practice. Strangers were brought and employed to do this. (4887-4895.) Men were attacked in the chapel, dragged out, and thrown into the river; and when their family complained to the priest of the outrage, it was inflicted on themselves. (Case at Maryborough, 4902.) Others had their seats in the chapel torn up; were struck, and pelted, and abused. (4906.) The doorkeepers at the chapel instigated the very girls to outrage against those who had supported the Protestants. (Case at Raheen, 9387.) Others were debarred from the chapel, turned out of it with fury: these cases we have sworn to by priests, and they occurred in no less than four chapels. (pp. 600-602, and p. 653.) Others had their cars broken, and were pelted at the chapel-doors; others were dragged out of their pews, thrown down in the mud, pursued to their houses;-women were abused; and these cases are proved in several chapels in Carlow alone, whose names are given. (pp. 645, 6.) Another man said he was hunted out of his chapel like a dog. (11573.) Others were attacked in their shops, knocked down in the streets (p. 1655), forced to have a guard of police in their houses at night. (Cases at Clonmel, 5562.) Others had their stables and horses destroyed by incendiaries. (Case at Bagnalstown, 10381.) Others were taken out of their houses and beaten. Others knocked off their horses. (p. 670.) Farmers had their ploughs and cattle destroyed. (11568.) Lists were posted up, giving in black the names of all who voted for the Protestant; and this struck the utmost terror, as they were certain preludes to injuries. Of this we have instances over all Queen's County (4861); at Clonmel. (5247.) In County Carlow these lists were put up on all the chapels (6645), "for the purpose," says a witness, "of holding out to vengeance the persons and properties of those Roman Catholics who dared to exercise their elective franchise free from the control of the priest and the mob." (5247.) To show how this practice was set on foot by the priests, we have evidence in pp. 666-7. To show how the priests hallooed on the rabble, I give one case at Borris chapel, on Sunday, the 1st of February. The priest Kehoe said, from the altar, "that there were many persons in the chapel who had voted for Kavanagh and Bruen; and he thought if the people threw mud at them, pushed, hooted, or threw gravel at them,

no